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| The Edge of The Abyss | |||
ISSUE 131
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By Dr. Abdishakur Jowhar "The Road Not Taken," Robert Frost “I shall be telling this with a sigh Somewhere ages and ages hence: Two roads diverged in a wood and I -- I took the one less traveled by, And that has made all the difference.” On July 17, 2004, the minister of interior of Somaliland released a ministerial edict essentially prohibiting Somalilanders from speaking about the future of their nation in groups. The ministerial document reads as follows (I translate this from Somali): “Because of the delicate circumstances the nation is passing through, and because there are conspiracies being hatched to destroy the peace and to set the people of Somaliland against each other using people who are part of us, using foreign agencies and also national agencies, meetings and discussions related to political issues are prohibited starting July 17, 2004.” One must note a couple of points of here: First the president of the state H.E. Dahir Rayale Kahin publicly supported both the letter and spirit of his Minister’s edict in a press conference he held in his office in July 20, 2004. This makes the minister’s command a state policy supported at the highest office. Second: What constitutes ‘A group” is left intentionally or otherwise in darkness. The current definition appears to be groups of 2 or more people meeting for “discussions related to political issues”. There is of course the possibility that the definition of the term ”groups” could be redefined by the state as being composed of one person with the “wrong” thoughts. With “wrongness” of the opinion and its degree becoming a function of the appropriate state organ. The edict prohibits free speech. The state of course tries to sugar coat that prohibition so that it will be easier for us the masses to swallow it. In its defense of this prohibition the Somaliland government repeatedly insists that it is not a prohibition of free speech. We would like to believe the government. However the edict reads “…meetings and discussions related to political issues are prohibited starting July 17, 2004”. Furthermore the Somaliland government has spent a lot of political and economic capital in actually preventing meetings from taking place in Burao. There is a problem here for the government of the day; a wall is a wall, it is not sometimes a wall and other times a flower or a cup. The government’s insistence that “prohibition of meetings and discussions” does not mean prohibition reminds me of George Orwell's 1984, Ministry of Truth (Minitrue) whose main function was to manipulate language so that the party line is always true even when it is not. May be the current administration doesn’t know that free speech is precisely about protecting undesirable and controversial speech, that it is all about protecting that which those in power (like them) don’t like to hear. Maybe our leaders do not know that singing “Guulwade Siyaad” is not free speech, but the opposite of free speech. The Minister’s edict makes July 17, 2004 perhaps one of the darkest days in the history of Somaliland after its rebirth in 1991 notwithstanding the state’s claim to the contrary. Let there be no doubt July 17, 2004 coincides and is equally as sinister as that other day of infamy; July 17, 1989 when innocent men were rounded up and massacred by a criminal dictator with the blatantly false justification of “conspiracies being hatched…” and the obvious goal of physically eliminating as many gallant Somalilanders as his bloody hands can reach. July 17, 2004 signifies the beginning of our people losing their freedom; on this day no one was killed, maimed or imprisoned. Yet it is ominous for it carries within it the seeds of a totalitarian state and the beginnings of a monster. July 17, 1989 was day of blood, gore and death of the innocent and brave. July 17, 1989 is what happens when people accept the loss of their freedom; it’s the unleashed angst of a dying totalitarian system, it is the claws of a tyrannical monster. The two days are linked together by fate not only in numbers (7, 17) but also in nature. Some may say that I am taking this way out of proportion. Some may insist that I am an alarmist. A close friend of mine whose opinions I give serious respect reminded me that indeed at each of the 14 Somali Reconciliation Conference some one has organized a similar kind of a meeting with the hidden agenda of making themselves a Somaliland delegation to wherever such a conference was being held to get whatever little crumbs are thrown their way. May be the state has the right to be cautious in this regard, he maintained. I differ fundamentally with my respected colleague. From time immemorial totalitarian regimes have ruled by perpetually hunting for an imaginary traitor, a traitor who is known only to the state and who must be rooted out at all costs, even at the cost of suspending the constitution and criminalizing freedom. This “closet traitor” that is hiding everywhere, ready to jump out at the right moment, has always been a transparently poor excuse for a tyranny to trample on the rights of the citizenry. I call this bogeyman traitor and the best friend of tyranny. Somalilanders have reached consensuses to regain their freedom in Burao in May of 1991. Burao is the cradle of Somaliland nationalism. It is a city of heroes. And Burao is standing up for the nation’s freedom once more! Prohibiting the freedom to assemble and speak in Burao does nothing for the security of the nation; it only destroys a nation’s inner self. The right way of dealing with a traitor is to bring him to a court of law, to prove his guilt or innocence and to be dealt with accordingly. Do it this way and the whole nation will be behind the state, no exceptions. One does not have to look far to find amble evidence in Somaliland’s political landscape to know that this administration has taken a wrong turn and has by design but most likely by error taken a ride on the wild horse of despotism. On May 18, 2004 dozens of young men and women who participated in a public and peaceful demonstration against widespread corruption were imprisoned by the state and given various prison sentences by an emergency court. A Somalilander Website (Awdalnews) interviewed Somaliland’s Minister of Interior on May 30, 2004. Here is that interchange, I have translated it from Somali as closely as I can. I bring this to you today because I think it does shed a light on the recent behavior of the Somaliland state and it brings to light the falsity of whole idea of the “Bogey Man Traitor” Awdalnews Question: “ A lot of people are asking why the youth who demonstrated on May 18 where taken to an emergency court, they say this whole issue reminds the public of hard line courts of the extremist regime of the past (meaning the dictatorship of Siyad Barre)? As the Minister of Interior how do you explain this?” The Minister’s Answer: "First demonstrations are not prohibited by our laws, but our people must understand the times we live in and the power of our police. The question then is can we allow demonstration? Even though (the right to demonstrate) is in our constitution and laws? To be honest the answer is no, we can not allow any thing that calls itself a demonstration until our police have a force that is similar to that of the rest of the world, all demonstrations contain within them disorder and crime" italics mine. The minister clearly holds that in his opinion he can put the constitution on hold until he has enough police force (which may take few years, may be even few decades?). This cavalier remark on the weighty matter of the law of the land is a clear symptom of Somaliland’s regression towards totalitarianism. Only a thin line of defenders of freedom guards us from the establishment of a tyrant riding a banana republic. Today Dr. Bulhan stands tall like a tower of light and courage. He is out there in the pit defending our nation’s hard won freedom from monsters that lurk in darkness. On May 18, 2004 our young people came out in droves to protect us from corruption and clean our government and to willingly feed their young bodies to the hungry prisons that seem to be cropping up in the middle of the night like monsters in a nightmare. It is the courage of the young, it is the tenacity of Bulhan and his colleagues, it is the heroic intellectuals of Burao and the persistent journalists repeatedly imprisoned in the dungeons of Borama who are our saviors. Our embattled defenders of freedom suffer so that the rest of us can live free, so that our nation can remain a shining light in a region that is dark even at noon. They have listened to Robert Frost and they have taken the road “ less traveled by”, the road of defending freedom, of standing up when it is time to be counted and of peaceful resistance. Who ever thought freedom comes cheap! Today we must all say loud and clear: We are all Bulhan. We are all Burao Intellectuals. And while we do that we should remember the important principle of presumption of honesty on the side of our state. I mean we should take the stand that our government had the honest intention of withholding law and order and in their zeal and because they are only human like the rest of us, they made a grave error of judgment. We will have to strive hard to correct their error through our well-established system of dialogue, pressure and consultation. In this process we must hold on to the principle of presumption of honesty because it makes dialogue possible and civil and because it prevents the unnecessary and counter productive polarization of society. We will make our government follow the rule of law. In the words of the great Liberator Joe Slovo (head of the armed wing of the ANC “Umkoto we Sizwe”) we will force democracy down the throat of our state. We will help our elected leaders dismount from the wild horse of tyranny and resist the temptations and corruption of power. |
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