Dr. Abdishakur Sh. Ali Jowhar
Presidential elections are scheduled in Somaliland for April 14, next month. These series of articles will provide an in-depth analysis of the election. Two diaspora-based Somalilanders, a political scientist (Dhimbiil) and Psychiatrist (Jowhar), will provide the analysis on alternate weeks.
The Greatest Day So Far
In Hargeisa, the capital city of Somaliland, Jan 31/ 2003 was a sunny day, like all others days in this geographical region. The elite of the city woke up to a bold headline in their English language weekly proclaiming that President " Rayale is Unqualified and Unfit to Rule."
The author of the article, Ali Gulaid, is a prominent Somalilander and a supporter of the opposition party KULMIYE. Gulaid did his homework diligently. He reviewed the academic background of the president and found it wanting, he checked on the president’s experience in life and found it uninspiring even disturbing and he evaluated the president’s current achievement in office and found it deficient, maybe even perilous. He paid particularly attention to the fact that the president served as an officer of the feared National Security Service in Siyad Barre’s regime and found that record "undesirable to say the least". The author then juxtaposed this CV of the president to that of the two competing candidates Silanyo (KULMIYE) and Faisal (UCID) and found the president not only unqualified but also unfit to rule.
He concluded, "...but Rayale's experience under the Siyad Gestapo, the indelible record of being loyal to the butcher to the last minute and the allegations of crimes against humanity documented by Africa Watch are serious enough to disqualify him for seeking the Presidency. Additionally, Rayale's high-school level of education, lack of political exposure and understanding of geopolitics, inability to inspire and articulate the vision of the nation makes him unqualified to lead the country. But more importantly, his current record demonstrated his poor judgment, lack of confidence, indecisiveness and incompetence."
What interests me here is what followed; a loud and rancorous debate, a political storm pitting the supporters of the president against his opponents right in the middle of the political street, a washing of the laundry in public so to speak of who did what in life and to whom, and an airing of tribal sensitivities laying bare hidden wounds to the antiseptic and healing effect of daylight.
What interests me also is what did not follow. The government of the day did not try to rob the public of its right to know and to reach its own enlightened conclusions in this national issue. The ever-present repressive inclinations of the African State did not rear its ugly head and no one vilified the press, tried to control it or threatened its freedom in anyway. On the contrary the press gained prominence and won the hearts of many for covering a delicate debate in a sensitive manner that avoided sensationalism, tribal rubble raising and overkill.
Somalilanders living in the west, under the shade of freedoms fought for and built by generations past, are energized by the winds of an open society visiting their homeland, the place of their birth. The president may not be qualified to rule but January 31, 2003 definitely qualified as the best day of the campaign trial so far.
Interestingly enough, what was designed to be a fatal blow to the presidential aspiration of Riyaale may have served as a booster for it. The free public debate that followed, unencumbered by government intervention, became a demonstration of the president’s achievement. We only hope that this president and those who will follow him will learn from this experience that siding with freedom of speech pays well and that the truth shall always set them free.
This brings to mind an alternative hypothesis. What Somaliland needs, what the African State needs, may be, just may be a vulnerable president who cannot dominate the political discourse. Such vulnerability will allow the public a breathing space to grow and assert its rights, it will be the recipe for nurturing national institutions other than the presidency (Judiciary, legislative, Electoral Commission etc.) and it will allow other distinguished nationals to serve up to their optimal capacity, uninhibited by petty rivalry from the top office. Indeed it may precisely be because of this president’s vulnerability that other national stars are shinning so bright. Edna, Jirdeh, Adami are some of the eminent personalities that come to mind as Somalilanders of national stature who are actively putting their own stamp on the evolution of the nation.
Given the record of the candidates, it is reasonable to postulate that Somalilanders in the coming presidential election of April 14, 2003 may be actually choosing between the benefits of competency and those of vulnerability. And of course there will be a price to pay for each course of action. All decisions carry a price of their own and perfection is not an attribute of the human.
But old habits die hard. Important members of the ruling party have difficulty learning that their best electoral interest is in championing the cause of freedom. The governor of Sahil (Berbera) region is among this selected few. A journalist of the outspoken daily (Jamhuria), Mr. Mohamed-Biid wrote an expose on the regional government’s tardiness and inefficiency. The outraged governor ordered the arrest of the Journalist on the basis of "only the presidency can supervise my work". The public and the press reacted with vigor and the journalist was released in record time. Somaliland also has a highly partisan Ministry of Information that occasionally seems to function like George Orwell’s Ministry of Truth. The optimism of the moment may lead to complacency. Vigilance will prove to be prudent in these early days of intoxication with freedom.
Days of Testing the Constitution
Somaliland’s constitution reflects the tender age of the nation. It evolved from the national charter of 1993 and remains to be a document that has a long way to go before it reaches maturity. Yet it has to rise to the occasion as it put to test again and again now, when it is still in its infancy. Any breakdown, any stalemate will be followed by untold consequences. Somaliland’s Supreme had to deal with a number of legal questions regarding the elections. We will mention two.
A number of politicians, unaffiliated with three official political parties expressed an interest in standing for the April 14, 2003 presidential race independently. Prominent among them is Ms. Fozia H. Aden a major figure in Somaliland’s cultural and civil societies. Fozia actually announced her candidacy and started her campaign. Other outstanding politicians were on the brink of announcing their own candidacy.
There was a political consensus that only the three main political parties could nominate candidates for the presidency, the constitution itself however was vague on the point. Allowing independent candidates threatened to open a Pandora’s box. Independent candidates could potentially lead to a political inflation. In a tribal society this raises the risk of each clan getting its own candidate, a process that carries the risk of nullifying a state’s claim to being the sole source of political authority and that may eventually lead to the fragmentation of society along clan and sub-clan lines.
The matter was taken to court and on February 27, 2003 the Supreme Court made public its decision that only official political parties have the right to nominate candidates for the presidential election. The potential independent candidates were irate. Eventually they came around and expressed their acceptance, albeit grudgingly, of the court’s decision.
In another development the court ordered the candidates for the presidency and vice presidency to register with it their financial assets as dictated by article 82 of the constitution. This simple statement brings forth the fears of Somalilanders that their elected leaders will rob them blind if given half the chance. They may still do but at very least this represents a legal effort towards prevention of official corruption.
A Day for KULMIYE: February 25, 2003
The political party KULMIYE is a major contender for the presidency of Somaliland. I have previously described its leader as a great man with a stellar record in public service. KULMIYE elected a vice presidential candidate on February 25, 2003. Abdirahman Aw Cali became the party’s candidate for the post. KULMIYE could not have made a better choice. And a ticket that was already strong became formidable, as close as you can get to unbeatable.
Few Somalilanders need any introduction to Abdirahman Aw Cali. If Silanyo CV is intimidating Abdirahman’s goes a notch or two in the same direction. He was after all Egal’s Vice-President for the latter’s first term in office. Abdirahman has been a permanent fixture in Somaliland’s politics in the last two decades. He spent time in all the possible roles of a national leader. He was a fierce liberator, he was just and fearless in governance and he was effective in opposition. The Vice-presidential candidate is a trained engineer by trade. But he is widely read and well informed in culture, politics and philosophy. Before and after everything else Abdirahman Aw Ali is a democrat at heart who would abide by the ballot and by the rules of the political process. This is good for Somaliland.
In spite of the appearance of invincibility this ticket has yet to show that it can assemble a collision of clans, sub-clans, hopes and fears that could win over the masses to their side. The real danger they face is that of arrogance and underestimation of the president; a man who has done so well, so far with the masses, contrary to the expectations of KULMIYE’s talking heads.
Home | Contact us | Links | Archives