The
Somaliland Times
Haatuf
Media Network
Editor; Yusuf Abdi Gabobe - Asst. Editor: A.
Dubad & Abdifatah M. Aidied - Sub. Editors: Hasan Hosh - Layout and Design:
Ahmed Jama
Somaliland Times, Issue 20, June 1, 2002
Editorial
A Government Of National Unity To Tackle
The Formidable Tasks Ahead
Somalilanders
have welcomed with optimism the consultative meetings that President Riyale
held last week with representatives of political opposition parties. The
meetings marked the first time that both the government and the opposition
leaders have practically shown mutual interest in knowing each other’s views on
domestic politics. Despite the niceties exchanged at these meetings, it seems
however that the two sides had refrained from attempting to tackle the
hard-core issue of transition that the country is about to face once again in a
few months time.
Initially
people expected that at least an understanding on a common strategy for
addressing the domestic political challenges ahead would materialize. Of course
this issue can still be probed in the near future, but only if our politicians
do not try to circumvent it. In this context we must stress that only a
Government of National Unity can successfully lead this country through this
critical stage of transition from the Shirbeleed system to multi-party
elections where people may, according to the constitution, choose freely their
representatives to government.
To
expect the Administration to accomplish this formidable task alone by itself,
is not only unfair but it is also a risky business. Our experience shows that
the Somaliland administration has not been successful in the last 5 years in
preparing the country for multi-party elections.
President
Riyale is of course now at the helm. However it will be unrealistic to expect
him to fulfill in few months time what his predecessor couldn’t finish in 5
years. As time is running out, what we need is a massive united effort for
redesigning and implementing a transparent election process. Because of the
huge responsibility involved, President Riyale needs to share the weight of
this burden with those who intend to take part in the forthcoming political
contest.
The
issue of holding our next elections is so vitally important for the future of
this country that it cannot be entrusted with only one side including the
incumbent Administration. We just cannot afford to fail in meeting the
challenges posed by this crucial process. And if we really want to deal with
the elections in a meaningful way, politicians of this country must look beyond
their individual or group interest and focus on steps that will enable their
citizens choose their next government peacefully and smoothly.
We
therefore believe that it is imperative for Somaliland to have a government of
national unity, not only for adequately addressing the issue of elections, but
also for the purpose of overcoming the external challenges ahead.
Nairobi (SL Times):
Glen Warren, political officer for Somalia at the US Embassy in Nairobi
has incorrectly reported to his government that Somaliland can be persuaded to
attend as an observer in the forthcoming reconciliation meeting on Somalia,
scheduled to be held in Nairobi, Kenya.
According to reliable sources, Mr.
Warren has been trying in vain to convince Somaliland government leaders to
take part in the Nairobi talks. His attempts have been viewed with contempt by
Somalilanders.
The cause of statehood and independence is considered the most significant factor that unifies Somalilanders. Tampering with the issue of independence is considered a dangerous destabilizing factor in Somaliland.
Mr. Warren had accompanied two
US congressional aides who on last Monday paid a visit to Somaliland capital,
Hargeisa. The delegates were staffers from the US Senate Foreign Relations
Committee. During their stay in Hargeisa, the Americans met with Somaliland
President Dahir Riyale Kahin.
Glenn Warren had served in the past
in Sudan and Eritrea. He was known to have run into trouble with the
authorities in both those countries.
Strong Ethiopian Warning
Against Attempts To Undermine Somaliland
Exclusive Interview with Dr. Tekede Alemu, Ethiopia’s Minister of
State For Foreign Affairs
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Hargeisa (SL Times):
A high level Ethiopian delegation arrived in Somaliland on a 3-day
official visit last Tuesday. The delegation was led by Dr. Tekede Alemu,
Ethiopian Minister of State for Foreign Affairs.
During the visit Mr. Alemu delivered a message from
Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zinawi to Somaliland President Dahir Riyale who
had also received an official invitation to visit Ethiopia. The Ethiopian
delegates included a high-ranking military officer. The following are excerpts
of an interview conducted by Haatuf Media Network with Mr. Alemu on Wednesday:
Q: Are you satisfied with the level that relations between
Somaliland and Ethiopia have reached?
A: We are greatly satisfied with
the relations between our two countries. Of course from our Ethiopian side, we
do not feel that we have done everything that we could have done. Given
Somaliland’s political, economic and social needs, we do not think that we have
been able to assist to the extent required. Of course one has to understand the
limitation of Ethiopia. On
the other hand, we feel that we have tried as much as possible to be of
assistance in the political area especially with regard to sensitizing the
international community about the situation in Somaliland. This hasn’t been
easy. We in Ethiopia are absolutely convinced that there is a lot of hypocrisy
in the international community when it comes to questions relating to
Somaliland. In fact anyone who visits Somaliland cities such as
Hargeisa, Buroa, Borama, Berbera and others, cannot overlook the absolute peace
and stability found in this country. Peace and stability are in the political
context assets that cannot be achieved so easily. This is a situation that has
been essentially achieved by the people of Somaliland single-handedly. Ethiopia
cannot claim to have played a decisive role in this regard. The international
community in general cannot claim to have done anything in this direction
either. Somaliland has established institutions that ensure the continuation of
peace and stability as demonstrated by the transfer of power following the
passing away of late President Egal. There aren’t too many countries who can
boast of such an achievement. Of course Somaliland faces in the coming months a
very delicate process of more fundamental transition. We feel that it is the
responsibility of the international community and countries in the sub-region
including Ethiopia to do everything necessary to ensure that such a transition
will be smooth and peaceful.
Q: We understand that you have conveyed a message from
Prime Minister Males Zenawi to President Riyale. Can you tell us about the
nature of this message?
A: I had the opportunity this
morning [last Wednesday morning] to have an audience with H.E. President Dahir
Riyale Kahin. I had conveyed to him a message from our Prime Minister [Males
Zenawi]. I don’t want to go into details. But the general thrust of the message
was in part that everybody in Somaliland, the current leadership as well as the
opposition, has a responsibility in protecting and maintaining the peace and
stability that the people of Somaliland have achieved over the last 11 years.
There will be political contest. That is natural in the course of political
competition. You know, political sentiment, political emotions might be
aroused. But in all that, everybody is to pay the necessary attention to how
vital it’s to protect, defend and preserve the institutions. Those are
institutions, which need to be cherished and jealously protected. It’s our
feeling that there are attempts from outside to try to adversely affect this
process in Somaliland. There might be some who feel now it’s a right time.
Q: Coming to attempts from the outside, a lot of people are
aware that there have been attempts made by outside countries, and particularly
by what we call here the Arta Group and certain other countries in the region
to undermine Somaliland. Is Ethiopia going to use its influence to pre-empt
such activities?
A: First of all we in Ethiopia do not believe that there is any opportunity in Somaliland for people who don’t have the interest of the people of Somaliland at heart to be able to fish in troubled waters. On the other hand there is this view or perception held by some that it is the right time to destabilize Somaliland. We know that there is such an attempt. We feel that will be a dangerous perception. If some people are going to act on the basis of that perception, then of course Ethiopia will not tolerate that kind of adventure. The fact is, that the so-called TNG has been doing this in the past. They are also preparing to do more along those lines. There might be also others from outside the sub-region who feel that they need to make it difficult for people of Somaliland to live in peace and stability and completing this transitional period successfully. We don’t think that they are going to be successful, because as I said the situation in Somaliland will not permit that. But even then, we think that it’s the responsibility of both government and the opposition to stay vigilant. We, on our part as Ethiopia, will not allow anything that is not desired by the people of Somaliland to be imposed on them. That is the bottom line for us.
Q: Can we expect
any concrete steps to be taken in enhancing relation between the two countries
in terms of trade, banking, communication and development-oriented cross-border
collaboration?
A: These are the areas in which we
have not moved as fast as we would have desired. Therefore, we feel that there
is a need to do more. Part of the message we have during this mission has to do
with that. Already we have some understandings reached especially in the area
of trade, that are now under implementation. And we intend to move fast on all
other aspects of cooperation.
Q: Will the Banking sector be
considered?
A: We stress that there will be no
area that will not be considered. In fact, the spirit of our cooperation is
such that there will be “no go area”.
Socio-Economic Impact Of Land Mines
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Hargeisa (SL Times): A
team from the Danish Demining Group will soon launch a survey to determine the
socio-impact of land mines on the lives of people in Somaliland. The survey, the
first of its kind to be conducted here, will be led by Ms Helene Ruud, a
political scientist by profession. On how the survey will be conducted, Ruud
said “We are now engaged in the development of survey tools such as
questionnaires.” People who have been trained will then go to the field to
collect base line data. The information collected will be then analyzed in the
data base center. The DDG is utilizing an information management system for
mine action.
Nicole Lett who works for a
conflict research center based in Zurich has been training DDG staff on this
system. The IMSM gives an overview of Somaliland indicating where there are
mines, no mines or areas that have been demined.
Since January 1999, IMSMA has been
the UN-approved standard for information systems supporting humanitarian
de-mining. Collection of standardized data in a comprehensive information
system improves data evaluation using powerful statistical and geographical
tools.
Set-up as a networked multi-user
system, IMSMA enables several users to enter and evaluate their data
simultaneously. The system consists of two modules, since information
management capability in Mine action is needed at two different levels: Data is
collected and evaluated in mine-affected countries at Mine action Centers (MACs)
and entered into the IMSMA Field Module. Using this system, countries possess
improved capabilities for coordinating, prioritizing, and executing de-mining
activities.
One of the outcomes of the survey
will be a Somaliland map measuring the scale of the socio-economic impact of
land mines. For instance areas surveyed will be classified as “high, medium or
low impact” or no impact area. The information can also be utilized in the
future by the authorities for planning purposes.
The BBC has scooped a string of
awards at a prestigious ceremony recognizing the best of black and Asian
talent. The annual Ethnic Multicultural Media Awards, nicknamed the Emmas, saw
comedy chatshow The Kumars at No 42 named best TV entertainment. Rudolph
Walker, who plays Patrick in EastEnders was voted best actor, while Diane
Parish won best TV actress for her role in the drama Baby father, which was
nominated in three categories.
BBC News picked up several awards,
with Rageh Omaar named best TV news journalist and Radio 4's Zubeida Malik best
radio journalist. Newsreader Moira Stuart shared media personality of the year
with Ahmed Rashid.
Other winners
included Garage act So Solid Crew, who were named best British music act at the
lavish ceremony, while Alicia Keys picked up best international music act.
Lifetime achievement Oscar winners Halle Berry and Denzel Washington triumphed
in the acting categories. Washington's triumph saw his role in Training Day
judged better than that of Will Smith in Ali. Swordfish actress Berry was
competing against Monsoon Wedding star Naseeruddin Shah. Two lifetime
achievement awards were given out during the event, including one for the
legendary Ray Charles for excellence in the music industry.
Acclaimed writer Dr Maya Angelou
was similarly honoured, with a prize presented by newsreader Jon Snow. TGWU
leader Bill Morris was named Public Figure of the Year and England cricket
captain Nasser Hussain was Sporting Personality of the Year.
Celebrities
The awards
ceremony at the Grosvenor House Hotel on London's Park Lane was hosted by
Cutting It star Angela Griffin and comedian Sanjeev Bhaskar. Presenters
included Eamonn Holmes, Linford Christie, Denise Lewis, Audley Harrison,
Shiulie Ghosh and Bend it Like Beckham stars Parminda Nagra, Juliet Stevenson.
Celebrities’ guests were in
abundance, including singer Samantha Mumba, TV presenter Gaby Roslin and newly
appointed treasury to the secretary Paul Boateng.
Live music on the night came from
Mis-Teeq, Lighthouse Family and a performance from the musical Umoja.
The full list of winners:
Best British music act - So Solid
Crew
Best international music act -
Alicia Keys
Best world music act - Nitin
Sawhney
Best film - Ali
Best film actor - Denzel Washington
(Training Day)
Best film actress - Halle Berry
(Swordfish)
Best TV entertainment - The Kumars
at No 42
Best TV actor - Rudolph Walker
(EastEnders)
Best TV actress - Diane Parish
(Babyfather)
Best play - The Island (Royal
National Theatre)
Best book - The Bonesetter's
Daughter by Amy Tan
Best comedian - Omid Djalili
Best print newspaper journalist -
Gary Younge (The Guardian)
Best radio journalist - Zubeida
Malik (Radio 4)
Best TV news journalist - Rageh
Omaar (BBC News & Current Affairs)
Best TV documentary - Islam UK:
Islamophobia (BBC)
Public figure of the year - Bill
Morris
Media personality of the year -
Moira Stuart/Ahmed Rashid
Sporting personality of the year -
Nasser Hussain
Lifetime achievement award for
excellence in the music industry - Ray Charles
Lifetime achievement 2002 - Maya
Angelou
Mahatma Gandhi legacy honor - Mahatma Gandhi (presented to his great- grandson Tushar)
Is It Too Late
To Hold Multiparty
Elections?
Voter Pre
-Registration, Is It Practicable
By
Ali M. Gulaid (CPA)
For sometime, Somaliland was
preoccupied by the controversy spurred by the extension of the term of the late
President and the “shirbeleed” advocated by one opposition leader. The recent
change of guard would understandably further delay the preparation of the
coming multiparty election. These ordeals, justified or not, have marginalized
the critical issues related to the preparation of the upcoming election; and
time is running out.
Legislating the election policies,
procedures and regulations such as the campaign financing, the safeguarding
mechanism and controlling of the ballot boxes, ballot counting procedures, the
nomination, the composition and the independence of the election commission,
studying the practicality of the policies and procedures proposed,
and most importantly securing funds are some of the critical issues that need
immediate attention.
It has been reported that the
legislative body is in recess and the electoral laws are in abeyance. The organization
of the upcoming election is monumental: It requires planning,
appraisal/estimation, coordination, facilities, logistics, equipment, observers
(local and international), funding, security mobilization and many more tasks
that require comprehensive analysis. There should be no illusion; this
isn’t going to be a walk in the park like the uncontested referendum.
A permanent independent election
agency should be established. The longer the election commission remains
part-time, the longer elections would be delayed. In order to conduct a
reasonably satisfactory election, there must be an independent agency assigned
to conduct the election. Since Somaliland has embraced the democratic
principles, which require periodic elections, referendums, initiatives and the
like, it can’t afford to assemble each time an inexperienced commission and
disband it after the election. The election is the foundation of good
governance and to assign ad-hoc committee, and part-time personnel for such an
important office would be a disservice to democracy. The election office should
be held to the highest regard and for that reason; it should become a permanent
agency. The agency should recruit immediately permanent professional staff with
regional representatives and secretarial staff. In order to conduct free and
fair elections, the agency should have a budget earmarked for discharging the
agency’s duty.
The fact that an ill equipped
election commission is appointed isn’t the end of the road. The road is long;
it has many turns, it is uphill, and it is rough and there is no Good Samaritan
along the way handing over cold water. Only a seasoned marathon runner could
afford a respite, but an impoverished Somaliland with worn-out and squeaking
wheels would have to approach the upcoming election with a desire to survive.
With such desire, Somaliland should
prepare and standardize the election procedures. The custody, the security and
the counting of the ballots, the training of the staff, identification of the
elector, detecting and deterring to voting more than once, chronicling problems
and resolving conflicts at the polling station are only a few of many tasks
that would require identifying and prescribing standardized procedures. All of
these tasks consist of minute details that need planning. If these procedures
aren’t standardized, each polling station would be implementing a separate
procedure and that could be enough grounds to contaminate. Standardizing the
system and the procedures across the board would enhance the efficiency, the
transparency and the fairness. Whenever the standard is established, there is
less chaos and less improvisation, and any deviations can be analyzed,
evaluated and assessed against the prescribed standard.
Understandably, there are obvious
impediments that would complicate the election process. Limited resources,
decayed infrastructure, the remoteness of polling stations, the paucity of
telecommunications, the lack of census and proper documents and the
inexperience in carrying-out a project of this magnitude are some of the
formidable challenges that demand careful planning.
Adding voter pre-registration to
these challenges would only muddy the water and delay the election. Voter
pre-registration isn’t feasible, it isn’t cost effective and it is ineffective
in controlling fraud. For more details on the voter pre-registration subject,
please see the second article under the title “ Voter pre-registration,
is it practicable?”
More
importantly, the upcoming election would require financial resources, which
could be a significant burden on Somaliland’s treasury. Luckily, there are a
number of organizations that fund such activities if approached in time. Some
of these organizations are United Nations Development Program (UNDP),
international organizations charged with good governance, charitable
foundations, peace initiative institutes, European Common Market, and friendly
governments. Somaliland, however, has to study the election program, prepare a
budget and submit it to the right donors immediately. These organizations and
governments are bureaucratic and to secure funds from them takes time. If the
process hasn’t been already set in motion, it might be too late.
Is it too late to hold the multiparty elections
early next year? Election laws are still pending, the election commission convenes
periodically and some are calling for pre-registration and identification
cards. The time frame and the inability to move forward and to address the
specifics that are critical to the upcoming elections is a matter of concern.
Time is running out, while Somaliland is haggling over the inconsequential.
Voter Pre -Registration, Is It
Practicable?
Pre-registration might seem
appealing to few, but after analyzing the pros and cons, it loses its appeal.
It discriminates against the rural elector, it isn’t cost effective, it is a
logistical nightmare, and it is ineffective in controlling fraud. Its
disadvantages outweigh its advantages.
What are the advantages of
pre-registering?
v
Pre-registration
is a tool of planning and it has limited aspect of fraud control. As a planning
tool, ascertaining the number of registered potential voters, the electoral
commission assigns an appropriate facility, enough manpower, security,
equipment, ballots and anything else that would enhance conducting fair and
free elections.
v
As a
fraud control mechanism, the number of ballots cast should either be equal or
less than the pre-registered number. In general, the ballots
cast are less than the
pre-registered, because everybody who pre-registered doesn’t vote. If there are
more ballots cast than the number registered, then there might be fraud.
v
It is
costly. It would require the same manpower and funding as the election itself.
The number of polling stations would be the same, the polling officers would be
the same, and the local observers would be the same.
v
Pre-registration
would discourage many potential voters. It might take at least one/two hour’s
time to pre-register, of course it would vary from one station to another but
many might see it as inconvenient step and unnecessary chore rather than a
civic duty.
v
Registration
has a limited time and those who for one reason or another didn’t register,
wouldn’t be able to vote.
v
One
can vote only on the same polling station one has registered.
v
Hand
written lists of Pre-registered electors lack eligibility and clarity. Locating
the name of a pre-registered voter in a register that contains, let us say more
than forty thousand names would be like locating a needle in a haystack. In
effect, the pre-registration has to be computerized to be beneficial. Is it
feasible to do so?
v
Does
pre-registration prevent rigging? Very little. The underlying presumption in
rigging is that the person willing to rig has also the way and the opportunity
to do so. If that is the case, he/she has many options to choose from. The
intention of preventing the rigging is to block the way and the opportunity one
could do so and pre-registration wouldn’t accomplish that objective. For example, if he/she is given the
opportunity to defraud, he/she can substitute the legitimate ballots into
prefabricated set in his/her favor.
v
Even
with its complexities and shortcomings, it could be accommodated only in large
urban areas. What about the rural areas? Wouldn’t it be too presumptuous to
expect the nomads to walk 20 miles to the nearest polling station not to
vote but only to pre-register? Would the government and the
political parties have the resources to coordinate the registration of so many
distant and remote, impassable localities. Would anybody have any resources and
energy left for local and central government elections after going through this
futile exercise?
v
Pre-registration
is worthless without matching a picture identification card such as passport
with the pre-registration details of the potential voter such as names/ address
etc.
v
Who
is a Somalilander? Does the one in Haud who is a member of one of the
Somaliland clans have a right to vote even though one hasn’t resided in
Somaliland? Is there a residence clause in the election policies?
v
What
constitutes an acceptable document in Somaliland? Who is going to provide a
reliable, verifiable identification card? Hargeisa local government? What a joke.
v
What
is preventing a potential pre-registrar to register and vote in more than one
polling station with the same or different name?
These are some of the issues to be
raised, analyzed, defined and resolved before embarking on futile exercise. The
purpose of the policies and procedures is to make voting easier, more
efficient and harder to cheat/rig. Pre-registration fails in all counts
as outlined above. Pre-registration appears to be ideal but not practicable
and any such registration would depend on the authenticity of an
identification document. The only verifiable identification a Somali can
produce is his/her clan and the vouching of his/her “caaqil” to
the verity of his/her claim. Everything else is questionable.
Elections are always contentious
but they are more so in Africa. In Africa, transparency is a foreign
concept and public funds are usurped, in general, for political ends. The
following are certain controls, which may allay those concerns and serve better
than pre-registration:
v
Parties
should keep an up to date financial record, open for the public and the media,
listing the donor, the address and the amount donated in (kind/cash), etc.
v
Parties
should have a list of all the members and any member who pays fees should have
a physical address or list a close relative for contact if required to be
located. If that fee payer (member) couldn’t be traced or located within a
reasonable time, that should be disallowed.
v
Fund
raising events should be open to the media and amount raised at each event
should be public record.
v
Public
funding of elections should either be illegal or political parties should
receive equal amounts
v
Civil
servants should be barred from campaigning for any party/candidate
v
All
contributions/donations should cease two (2) months before the election date.
v
Parties
should declare their assets (cash, vehicles, buildings etc) and the source of
each asset in court 1 ½ months before the election date.
v
After
the election, an independent committee should audit financial records of
political parties and candidates.
By the way, Somaliland should use the election as a
publicity ploy. Fair and free election is preponderance of evidence that could
sway the skeptics. It is a free advertisement; let the world witness, friends
and foes alike that Somaliland isn’t a fickle or a fable but a fixture of
freedom, a fountain of peace and fort of democracy. It is a time to shine and
not a time to shrivel in front of the flashlights. The multiparty system is
another milestone that could elevate the status of Somaliland in the eyes of
the international community. To maximize the publicity campaign,
organizations and governments should be invited now to participate in observing
and monitoring the upcoming elections. This is an opportunity Somaliland should
maximize.
As outlined above, there are tough challenges
ahead. Somaliland should be prepared to accept less than the ideal. The
ideal isn’t tenable under current circumstances. The objective shouldn’t be the
ideal; the objective should be fair election. In order to conduct a
reasonably fair election, the process should be transparent and policies
and procedures should be standardized and applied across the board. No election
is perfect but it could be made reasonably fair if it is
carefully monitored, adequately supervised and standardized. Strive for transparency
but not for an impracticable pre-registration.
The Incongruous Mediator
It is believed that Kenya is
hosting a conference of reconciliation for Somalis next month. Mediating
neighbors is a very noble deed, but Kenya’s record of good neighborliness is
bogus for so many good reasons. If Kenyan authorities are to be taken
seriously, they need to mend their ways when it comes to how they treat their
neighbors, the Somalis.
Ever since early 1970s, Somalis applying for Kenyan Visas
were a given hard time. Although every
country has a right to control foreigners coming to its territory, denying
visas to people with legitimate reasons to visit Kenya such as government
officials, people sponsored for various reasons, by international agencies
based in Nairobi, and those in transit to other countries is very unfriendly
deed indeed.
People who go to Kenya come back
with litany of complaints of police harassment and immigration discrimination.
It just became a habit for the Kenyan police to see Somalis as a source of
income. Under all sorts of pretexts, they detain and subject them to
humiliation. Is the absence of Somali government or governments that could have
taken up the matter with the Kenyan authorities, the cause of the continuing
ordeal? Is the corruption so pervasive in the Kenyan administration the source
of all the maltreatment? What is that made Somalis a soft target?
In the meeting of Somali Aid
Coordination Body (SACP) that took place in Hargeisa in May 28-29, some Somalis
who work for the international agencies based in Hargeisa voiced concern about
continuing problems they face in obtaining Kenyan visa when they wish to go to
that country for reasons relating to their work. These people rightly advised
SACP to have a representation in Hargeisa so that their often-arduous travel
arrangements to Nairobi are averted.
The harassment of Somalis in Kenya
has a long history. It is partly a relic
of the cold war. When in early 1970s,
there was a talk of Soviet military bases in Somalia, the Kenyan authorities
and media in a frenzy of alarm, saw in every Somali a potential agent of Soviet
machinations in Eastern Africa. Pandering to this sensational and even
inaccurate information about Somali menace in Eastern Africa, the newspapers
immensely contributed in demonizing the Somalis, focusing on their activities,
and blaming them on the ills of Kenya. At one Point, Kenyan-Somali students in
the University of Nairobi in a fit of pique called at the office Nation newspaper
and demanded why the name of their nationality is often smeared in the pages of
the paper. They got no satisfactory answer.
The first Kswahili sentences
Somalis learn when they go to Kenya is to learn to how to answer police
questions like Wewe! kuje hapa? You, come here! Lete kipande yako! Show me your
identity card! Una kwendo wapi? Where are you going?
Relationships between peoples and
states are based on reciprocity. Kenyan authorities should know that in the
long term, their mistreatment of Somalis is not going to pay off. Kenya too has interests in the area; her
nationals also have to deal with other peoples in the region. No one is to the
letter independent of the other in this increasingly interdependent world.
Boundaries are coming down between the counties of Europe and in other
geographical zones of the world. In this continent, it is for the benefit of
all of us that we do not erect stiff walls between ourselves.