Somaliland Stuck In A Familiar Comfort Zone‎

By Dr Mohamed A Omar

As the recent political shock waves originating from the election of the parliamentary leadership have faded away, questions are being raised on Somaliland ’s growing tendency towards tradition as the guiding principle when it deals with national political conflicts. Is this a case of coincidence or a calculated choice?

In aftermath of the political rift on the 29th November 2005 , we saw a glimpse of how the country will be run, at least in the coming two years, which was played out before our eyes. It started off with the ruling party members unilaterally adjourning and leaving the first session of the newly elected Parliament, in a move widely interpreted as an attempt to delay the process of electing the Speaker of the House and two deputies. The opposition parties have fiercely rejected this step and have pursued the election the speaker and the deputies, taking an equally defiant approach and acting on the spur of the moment. As the country’s judiciary system did not seem to be capably of offering swift responses to the conflict, the matter fell into the hands of the Council of Elders. The leaders of the Council of Elders provided quick a fix using traditional methods, but they left the national constitution bruised.

Before discussing the constitutional relapse and some of the possible motives, let us first deal with some relevant background. The ruling party’s decision to adjourn the parliamentary session was politically motivated. With minutes away from what seemed to be a complete change to the political landscape in favor of the opposition parties, the ruling party experienced a moment of deep political insecurity and sense of loss. The idea of adjourning the session can be described as a panic reaction to what was perceived as a democratic coup d’etat, following an earlier deal struck by the opposition parties.

The deal, which gives the opposition parties a joint leadership of the House, was not based on defined Ideological principles. Instead, it was driven by a desire for instant hits and immediate success. The rationale is that this will allow the opposition parties to present their credentials to the nation - a tactic that is designed to boost their contest for power. If they live up with their promise, they may also be able to help resolve some the long-standing social, economic and political issues the country has been struggling with for so long. Assuming they will stick to these, they have the potential to change the dynamics of Somaliland politics.

But the opposition parties will have to move quickly to demonstrate that they are changing the country for the better. They should start with changing the entire conduct of business of opposition. What we have seen so far was a confrontational style of politics. The government will initiate a policy, the opposition will identify some undesirable elements in it, and the next thing you will hear is their demand for nothing less than the resignation of the president or a regime change. This was an approach that diminished the oppositions’ credibility at times more than it did to the intended target.

Coming back to the constitutional relapse, there is a recognizable practice that has underpinned the Council of Elders’ operation. In working on this political deadlock between the ruling and opposition parties, the Elders blatantly ignored the constitutional procedures as the basis for their mediation and they have conveniently applied their traditional modus operandi. The inevitable result of this preferred framework is that neither side of the conflict accepts the responsibilities for what went wrong nor any will be able to use the outcome of this mediation to support future claims. It seemed as though the mediation was based on the perception that the Elders have got something to get right for the opposition parties, in view of the row that came out from the last presidential election. When or if another political debacle arises in the country, following this logic, the ruling party may expect favorable ending. If this view holds some truth, it is a set back for Somaliland ’s new democratic culture and constitution.

I am confident that the Elders attempted to work out the optimal trade-off between the need for lawful decision and the national cohesion. But, I am also equally convinced that there was a covert strategy aimed at underlining the tradition-focused intellectual base of the Council of Elders at a time when the central political machine is coming under the democratically elected Parliament, dominated by reformists who are keen to push for modernization agenda. This successful mediation by the Guurti will surely support their case, when the discussions around reforming the Council of Elders come in the country.

People on the traditionalist camp are wary on Somaliland ’s democratization. Their vision is based on the theory, which claims that accelerated reforms towards the country’s political establishment will weaken the national cohesion and expose the country to future conflicts. At the heart of this concept is a belief that reforms will achieve little in the absence of required level of supportive environment and behavior that would be necessary to safe guide the democratic culture. The Elder’s approach towards the parliamentary row is an indicative of this vision. However, there is a significant weakness in this conceptualization. What the traditionalists fail to understand is that Somaliland has actually moved on. They don’t see the country as it is today, but seem to be stuck in the past.

The reformists, on the contrary, are optimistic about the process. They argue that the application of the constitution and democratic principles will uphold the rule of law, offering a level playfield for all, and will provide a long-term security and freedom that a tradition-based system could not offer. They also view the process as useful stepping-stone for the realization of an international recognition. They challenge the Elders to come beyond their trusted, and tradition-orientated dogma, and embrace the constitution as basis for conflict resolutions, unless the issue at hand is not clearly defined in the constitution.

The truth is, however, that the Council of Elders, as it is now, constitutes both strength and weakness in Somaliland ’s political establishment. On the one hand, they helped the country to rise from ashes and led the community to form a state through reconciliation. And they also saved the country from the edge of collapse following disagreements on election results. But, on the other hand, they appear to represent a block to the modernization agenda, and they prefer to keep Somaliland in the familiar comfort zone of traditional politics.

Somaliland ’s new democracy will probably be tested once again while still in its infancy, but it will be the constitution, not the tradition, that can offer lasting solutions and maintain social justice.

momar@hotmail.co.uk

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