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Africa's Year Of Democratic Reverses
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Secret Document Reveals Existence Of A Somaliland ‎Chapter Of Al-I’tisaam Fundamentalist Group

Guurti And NEC Receive Achievement Awards From Somaliland Forum‎‎

SAS And SBS Join American Special Forces ‎Targeting Al Qaeda Operations In Africa

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The Surud Mountain Forests In Somaliland

Uruguay Recognizes Western Sahara‎‎

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Local & Regional Affairs

Twenty Sudanese Die In Cairo Raid

Somalia Neighbors Ask UN To End Arms Embargo‎

New Administration Installed In Mogadishu

China Provides Six Million US Dollars' Economic ‎Aid To The Jowhar Group

Ethiopia: Donors Withhold Budget Support To Government‎‎

‎'Lack Of Funds Poses The Biggest Hurdle In Refugee ‎Repatriation'‎‎‎‎‎

Ethiopia's Port And Eritrea's Pension Claims Dismissed

Eritrea-Ethiopia: Border Tense Despite Troop Pullouts, Says UN‎

Somali Poetry

International News

Famine Threatens Horn Of Africa

Defenses Against Pirates

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Mentally Ill Somali Immigrant Fatally Shot In ‎Confrontation With Officers In Columbus, Ohio

Favorable Weather Improves Food Security Situations


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Somalia Annual Appeal No. 05aa002 Programme Update No. 2‎

Africa's Year Of Democratic Reverses

Kibaki Tours Mandera, Spells Out His Plans

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The Redundant Gentlemen: Chairmen Of The ‎Two Opposition Parties

Some New Year Wishes For Somaliland ‎And Its Peoples Across The Globe‎

Qarannews.Com Had Failed Miserably‎‎‎

Broken Power-Sharing Agreements Lead To Renewed ‎Violence‎


Somaliland Stuck In A Familiar Comfort Zone‎

The political news coming out of Africa this year has got worse as the economic news has improved.

By Patrick Smith, Africa Confidential editor

A demonstrator stands draped with the red, yellow and green flag of Ethiopia

Ethiopia 's disputed elections sparked White House protests

December 29, 2005 (BBC News) – After a decade of triumphs for Africa's democrats - the ending of apartheid in South Africa, the ousting of Congolese tyrant Mobutu Sese Seko and free multiparty elections in Ghana, Kenya and Senegal - several regimes have reverted to violent repression and election-rigging to cling to power.

Despite this, African economies are growing on average at 5 per cent a year, better than they have since the 1970s, say the IMF and the World Bank. National incomes may be rising but so is social inequality, fuelling political tensions.

The UN's Human Development index says incomes per head are stagnating and life expectancy rates are falling.

The fruits of higher growth are not going on social development.

Security rules

That raises more awkward questions as 2005, which UK Prime Minister Tony Blair had said would be the year of Africa , draws to a close.

The campaigners in Africa and the West who called for more aid, less debt and fairer trade for Africa and bolstered British government efforts to negotiate a better deal for Africa from the rich countries' G8 club have won important concessions.

But in most states, regime security trumps the development imperative.

More than 30 African states have abandoned single party rule in favor of some variety of multiparty elections since 1990 but now the wind is blowing back.

After Ethiopia 's disputed national elections in May, government forces shot more than 80 people dead and arrested 8,000 more after clashes with oppositionists in Addis Ababa .

In Tanzania , the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi was accused of rigging an election victory on the volatile islands of Zanzibar in October.

And in neighboring Uganda , President Yoweri Museveni, in power for two decades, persuaded parliament to allow him to a third elected term, then presided over the arrest of leading opposition candidate Dr Kizza Besigye.

Tyrants unchecked

This embarrasses Britain 's Africa enthusiasts: Ethiopia 's Meles and Tanzanian President Benjamin Mkapa were appointed to British Prime Minister Tony Blair's Africa Commission, and Britain is the leading aid giver to the Museveni regime in Uganda .

More importantly, it's a reversion to political relativism in Africa which tolerated the worst tyrants and kleptocrats on the principle that every regime has something to hide.

The list goes on.

This year Gabon's President Omar Bongo, in power since 1967 won another seven-year term; Burkina Faso's President Blaise Compaore, ally of warlord Charles Taylor, circumvented the constitution to get another five-year term; Ivory Coast's Laurent Gbagbo unilaterally postponed elections which were to signal the end of the country's civil war; and Zimbabwe 's Robert Mugabe bludgeoned and starved the opposition Movement for Democratic Change into defeat.

Not all the blame should go to the incumbents.

Many opposition movements are weak and divided.

And Western governments' indignation is highly selective: oil-rich states such as Angola and Equatorial Guinea escape censure while resource-poor states are pilloried.

Sad end

But the biggest tests are in Africa 's own institutions.

The African Union, set up in 2002, has been a huge improvement on the old Organization for African Unity, known as the dictator's trade union.

The AU has adopted a credible development plan known as Nepad, and introduced a revolutionary system of peer review under which member states' commitments to democracy and human rights are measured by independent monitors.

The AU sent 5,000 African peacekeepers to the Darfur region where Sudan 's Islamist regime has been accused in several high-level UN reports of mass murder and ethnic cleansing, as well as training and arming ethnic militias.

An African Union peacekeeper

African Union forces have been stationed in Sudan

Although the Sudan government failed to block the deployment of AU troops in Darfur , it has persuaded the AU to hold its summit in Khartoum next month (January) to dampen growing criticism.

The UN Security Council has referred Darfur to the International Criminal Court in the Hague .

Several senior Sudanese officials, including President Omar al-Bashir, are under investigation but they refuse to recognize the ICC's jurisdiction.

Allowing Khartoum to host the AU summit and President Bashir to chair it blatantly contradicts the AU's avowed democratic ethos, Sudan oppositionists and human rights campaigners say.

For many, Mr. Bashir's leadership of the AU will resurrect the dog days of the OAU when it elected Uganda 's Idi Amin as chairman while he organized the massacre of thousands of his fellow Ugandans.

A sad end to the year of Africa .


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