By Dr. Mohamed A Omar. London , UK

At a time when Somaliland is wining the political battle for democratization, a serious shortcoming is emerging from its foreign policy which is creating a real concern. With the number of foreign countries and international agencies taking a fresh interest in Somaliland growing, the timing of this deficiency could not have been worse. For a deeper understanding of the issue, my argument is placed within a relevant international and regional political framework. I will argue it is not only a poor diplomatic capacity that is letting Somaliland dawn; it is also about a lack of vision and policy initiatives. An outsider with a proven track record in international diplomacy is needed to overhaul the ailing system.

In the war against terrorism, The United States of America is stepping up its involvement in the Horn of Africa, and in the process it is also changing its strategy. America , now, seeks to achieve its world-order operation in the region by influencing the public opinion through providing social development programmes and improving relations. In the light of this new policy, the Washington-based Centre for Strategic and International Studies advised USA government to strengthen its policy in the region and called Somaliland ’s capital, Hargeisa, a strategic location for the global war on terror. In a recent publication, the Centre recommended for an American support to Somaliland . The good news is that this change of policy offers possible answers to some of Somaliland ’s strategic foreign policy aims i.e. improving international relations and attracting development aid. Therefore, you would assume that Somaliland , now being the most stable democracy in the region, would seize the opportunity. The bad news is it has not done so. Obviously, part of the problem is the limited diplomatic capacity, but the broader problems lie with Somaliland inability to reflect on the changing dynamics of the international politics.

In the context of this renewed American interest, Somaliland needs to understand that USA’s interest in the region is different from those pursued by the other countries involved such as Europeans, Africans and Arabs. Broadly speaking, the latter group’s interests are primarily political and as such apply a policy of prolonged negotiations, persuasions and stick-and-carrot oriented diplomacy. In the contrary, the Americans focus on the World-Order doctrine for which they use a different approach altogether. They prefer to see the region divided between good and evil and between friends and enemies. They intervene and act quickly to solve problems, attaching higher value to security matters than political implications. They are also less likely to work through regional and international organizations and don’t shy away from acting unilaterally, if deemed necessary.

The American approach provides Somaliland with interesting options that may lead to positive outcomes. Somaliland has all the necessary credentials to win the American friendship. It is a democratic country in a region that is dominated by wars, instability, authoritarian regimes and lawlessness, and it is strategically located on the red sea, overlooking to the gulf countries. Somaliland ’s search for development aid, improved relationship and ultimately international recognition are, therefore, better served by making best use of these options. But the challenge for the Somaliland’s political leadership is to come up with policy initiatives which will make sure that Somaliland appears on the better side of the American good and evil division.

From the British government, Somaliland continues to receive support. The former British Minister for Africa Chris Muller said recently in a meeting in London that a lack of political recognition will not stop the British government from providing Somaliland with development assistance. He stated that his government will help Somaliland in the same way as it supports other African countries. A few days earlier on, Mr. Alun Michael, British Minister for Rural and Urban Development said at the Commons that he will continue to lobby for Somaliland at the British cabinet and particularly at DFID to make sure Somaliland receives an increased development aid.

Again here, Somaliland is missing out an opportunity. The government is yet to capitalize on this ‘special relationship’ with Britain , the likes of which it has with no other European state. The government needs to initiate and work out a framework for bilateral assistance programme with Britain . Flowing from this, it can also seek to use British influence for strengthening other relations.

On the African front, the message is alarming. The official line from the Somaliland government is that the case for recognition has been on AU agenda for some time, waiting to be discussed by heads of states. Yet the evidence from the recent AU summit in Khartoum exposed the disheartening realities of the Somaliland ’s foreign policy. The president of Ghana , Mr John Agyekum Kufuor said that the issue of Somaliland must be carried forward by Somaliland government, and that they should not expect others to do it for them. Mr. Alpha Oumar Konare, the AU chairman went even further, saying that Somaliland’s case is still under discussion between Somaliland and the commission, suggesting it is not yet up for AU summit discussions.

This is heart-breaking news to the people of Somaliland who were told time and again that the commission had agreed to pass on its recommendations and Somaliland ’s request for recognition to the summit. It is also a great diplomatic embarrassment for Somaliland in the international arenas. But the sad reality is that many more are to come, if the current foreign policy arrangement continues.

As to the regional geopolitics, Somaliland must constantly assess its foreign policy stand. It can’t politically afford to continue to entertain both Amre Moussa of the Arab League and Alpha Konare of the African Union on the same floor. The member countries of the organizations they represent have fundamentally different views on the politics of the Horn. Somaliland should study its aims carefully and decide when to use the African card and when to present as an Arabist, weighting up the predicted outcomes against each position.

Where does Somaliland go from here? In terms of foreign policy leadership, a lot will depend on the forthcoming cabinet reshuffle where radical steps to downsize the government are expected to take place. While this downsizing business could be heralded as the biggest shake-up in the system since Somaliland ’s reassertion of its independence 1991, it is not yet known whether the move will also signal a change of direction. For the department of Foreign Affairs, the crucial political question is whether Mr. Riyaale will look out beyond his trusted government members and will bring in a modernizer with a vision from outside of his own circle to lead the Ministry.

There is an awful lot of Somalilanders abroad with a wealth of knowledge and experience to get Somaliland ’s case on the world agenda. And I believe that no member of the current cabinet has got the necessary capabilities and the public confidence to face up the challenge and to develop a proactive foreign policy. Likewise, I am convinced that the move will trigger a political row from Mr. Riyaale’s closest friends. But the real issue here is which one comes first: the sensitivity of the Riyaale loyalists or the national interest. I will leave for the reader to take a moral judgment on this. The only thing I would say is that Somaliland now needs a bold leadership and clear directions more than ever before. And I am sure that Mr. Riyaale can count on the support of the Somalilanders at home and in the Diaspora if the national interest prevails.

As part of the delivery mechanisms, the department needs to recruit regional specialists who initiate policies and generate ideas. Also, a National Commission for Somaliland Recognition is recommended to be established, whose members could be drawn from former diplomats, activists, intellectuals and international friends of Somaliland . The current arrangement whereby there is only a one-man organization campaigning for the recognition is simple inadequate. Finally, the Somaliland missions abroad such as the one in the UK need to be reformed and new sections attached to them with specific responsibilities.

With these policy shifts in mind, an outsider with an international experience and a vision would be best placed to lead the department. Failing to recognize this will bring yet more disheartening moments in the future.

Dr. Mohamed A Omar

momar@hotmail.co.uk