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Be More Serious |
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Issue 280
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So far the stabilization mission for Somalia is being handled by Ethiopia. On behalf of whom? I would say on behalf of the African Union. The move also represents the interests of the regional grouping, the Intergovernmental Authority for Development/IGAD/. The UN also sanctioned the move; hence one could argue that Ethiopia acted on behalf of the whole world. The main fissures of the so-called the international community: the UN, the AU and IGAD or for that matter the US have supported Ethiopia’s move before and after the actual military operation. Thus how and why did the same members of the international community failed to commit themselves to the successful completion of the peace support operations? This brings into the picture some of the otherwise-puzzling elements surrounding Ethiopia’s internationally sanctioned engagement in Somalia and the failure of the international community to live up to the minimum expectations of the Somalis and their neighbors. Some say that there has never been consensus behind Ethiopia’s recent military operations in Somalia. This is untrue. There was consensus explained by the official positions of the AU, IGAD and most importantly the UN. May be there was no enough commitment behind those resolutions, but there were more than enough political statements of intent. If some members of the international community were supporting the move without genuinely believing in it, then this can’t be Ethiopia’s fault. Others say that the gradual retreat of some members of the international community from supporting the TFG is because they viewed the move as motivated only by Ethiopia’s narrow security concerns. This may be partly true. But it is also true that Ethiopia entered Somalia in support of the internationally recognized Transitional Federal Government of Somalia. Whether Ethiopia had a legitimate right to defend itself from a legitimate security threat by all available means, including by entering a stateless territory is not an issue here. More divisive but depressing has been the exact role of the Americans. Many wrongly believe that what is happening in Somalia today is basically an American agenda. They also seem to believe that the US played key role in the recent conflict in Somalia. Both assertions lack objectivity and honesty. They are not true at all. Let’s not forget the fact that the Americans were not comfortable with Ethiopia’s military plan to go deep inside Somalia. Probably they were against it. Let’s leave that aside for the time being. Whether they supported or opposed the move, their role in the course and outcome of the conflict was very minimal. The imprecise military strikes in southern Mogadishu brought more damage than help to Ethiopia’s military operations in Somalia. It gave the wrong impression that the Americans are heavily involved in Somalia. It also led to the misperception that Ethiopia was fighting an American war, slightly compromising the international support and legitimacy Ethiopia’s actions would have secured. Whether this is the main reason why some members of the international community are less interested in seriously helping the TFG and the Ethiopians is difficult to tell. But it has become clear that some quarters of the international community, mainly European countries felt uneasy about the whole American affair. Again there is nothing about the Americans being involved. The Europeans themselves have supported many wars initiated by the US. This is true in Afghanistan, Kosovo, and to some extent Iraq. Why is it totally unacceptable when an African country initiates its own peacemaking operation and is carefully supported by the US? The most important thing should be whether there was a case for war? There was. Whether that had US diplomatic backing or AU’s political support is less important. Ethiopia ’s engagement in Somalia has both dismantled an immediate threat to its security and that of the region, and opened a window of opportunity for building a sustainable peace in Somalia. The internationally recognized government is now in place in the capital, Mogadishu that is at least for the moment quiete and a measure of security has been restored in most parts of the country. All this has been done largely by Ethiopia, facing the consequences of the war alone, a war while necessary, was also a drain on its scarce resources. It is not the first time that an African country went out of its way to ensure that its neighborhood is stable. Nigeria did the same in West Africa. In fact peace and security in Africa requires the presence of responsible hegemony. That is not unique to Ethiopia. The strange thing is that Ethiopia didn’t get the support it deserved, as a force of regional stability. I will leave it there. Now, we are where we are now. At this stage the most important issue how to salvage the peace building process in Somalia. The most urgent task now is how to deal with the fundamental problems of Somalia, mainly the task of providing former combatants and the youth with access to livelihoods. Economic pressures are rising within the IDPs. What is required is large-scale emergency and economic aid geared towards Demilitarization, Demobilization, Reconciliation and Reintegration/DDRR/, with the last R being the biggest one. This will not totally resolve Somalia’s political problems, but it will definitely enhance chances for peace all over the country and the establishment of a functional government in Somalia. That is like a great leap forward towards resolving the crisis in Somalia and the region. This will greatly reduce, if not eliminate, security risk for the region and the world at large. It is wise for the international community, mainly Western countries to become more serious about Somalia before the momentum for peace is totally lost. Medhane Tadesse of CPRD is a long time specialist on issues of peace and security in the Horn of Africa. He can be reached at mt3002et@yahoo.com May 25, 2007
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