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Indonesian Troops For Gaza?

Issue 364
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Maternal Mortality In Somaliland In Decline But Still Worrying

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Last Ethiopian Troops Leave Somalia's Capital

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Insurgents Attack Somali Presidential Palace

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Inside A Pirate Network

Somaliland: U.S. Investor Believes Ethiopia Likely To Break Apart Soon
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Editorial

Egypt And Piracy

Somaliland Voter Registration: What Is Next?

Features & Commentry

Miss East Africa UK 2008: Contestant Marian Fahen Samatar From Somalia

What A Black President Means To Me
Charity Worker Preparing To Visit War-Torn Sierra Leone

An Open Letter to Martin Luther King

Laying Our Hands On The Problem

By Flying Car From London To Timbuktu

Stop Babysitting Bottomless Somalia

To Reduce Piracy At Sea, Help Somalia On Land
Security Council Expresses Intention To Establish Peacekeeping Mission In Somalia, Subject To Further Decision By 1 June, Unanimously Adopting Resolution 1863

International News

 

History Links King Holiday, Obama Inauguration

Three Million Hit By Windows Worm

Airbus Crashes In New York River

Man Refuses To Drive 'No God' Bus

U.S. Navy Nears Deal with Unidentified Country to Prosecute Somali Pirates

How Birds Can Bring Down A Plane

Opinion

Government Failed To Stop School Children From Chewing Khat

Puntland Parliament Appoints New Pirate President

An Awakening For Somaliland Citizens: Somaliland Voter Registration

Indonesian Troops For Gaza?

Somalia: Talibanistan In East Africa

The Global Crisis Of Capitalism And Its Impact

Dr. Terry Lacey

The possibility of finalizing a cease fire in Gaza and ending the besieging and slaughter of innocent civilians may hinge upon who is prepared to help police the borders, especially the Rafah gate, to stop arms smuggling, and end the blockade of the Gaza Strip.

The suggestion  in the Jakarta Post (Editorial Jan 15) that Indonesia should help coordinate an international campaign to send UN peacekeepers to Palestine, and consider sending its best military and police officers to do this, might have some merits.

Turkey has also said it could consider such a role.

These two large Muslim secular democracies, both with a well trained and experienced military and both with moderate political Islam in power in democratic governments, might have the right political and military credentials for this.

The Egyptians are intermediating the cease fire but are not prepared, or welcome, to police Gaza, or to take back control of it (which they held from 1957 to 1967). With political Islam growing in Egypt and tense relations with Hamas, Egypt is not a candidate for greater involvement in Gaza security.

Jordan controlled the West Bank from 1950 to 1967, fighting an internal war with the PLO in 1970. Jordan conceded the West Bank to the Palestinians in 1988 during the first uprising against Israeli occupation and then supported the Palestinian Authority (PA).

Jordan is afraid of destabilization creeping up the West Bank from the Gaza Strip. The Gaza War and devastating use of Israeli military may have strengthened Hamas in Gaza and the West Bank, motivating militants in the Arab and Muslim world.

For the Jordanian Army to take up a role on the Gaza border after all this history really would be a bridge too far. It could destabilize the Hashemite Kingdom, where Islamic candidates  won about 21 seats of 104 in the 2003 elections and over 60 percent of Jordanians are of Palestinian origin.

If EU civilian police observers return to the Gaza border at Rafah they would have to help end the Israeli economic blockade which the EU previously supported, when it cut off political and economic links with the Hamas government.

The Israelis would like the PA to send its security forces to police the Rafah Gate and as Mark Regev, the Israeli spokesman said recently “to re-establish its control over Gaza”, but the PA is marginalized by this war and has no electoral legitimacy.

The Organization of Islamic Conference, the Arab League and Arab and Muslim countries should try to help bring about Palestinian reunification by peaceful means, including new elections, as suggested by Saeb Arakat, the Palestinian peace negotiator.

Meanwhile the suggestion that Indonesia might become involved is not without merits.   

Indonesia has recent experience of peace-keeping operations in Lebanon and historically with the United Nations Emergency Force in Sinai in the 1970s.  

Indonesia has also pursued under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono sensible anti-terrorist strategies in the context of broader economic and political action backed by firm security policies, including the recent execution of the convicted Bali bombers.

The modernizing Minister of Defence, Juwono Sudarsono, has consolidated the separation of the police force from the army, taken the army out of politics and shown awareness of the importance of non military defense.

The Gazans and the elected Hamas government have to be confident that if the troops of any Muslim-led nation come to the Gaza borders to help police an agreed cease-fire, then they are not going to turn out to be a new lot of jailers, holding the keys for Israel.

Any security forces that help police or verify the Gaza border must therefore balance carefully the policing of measures against arms smuggling with clear steps to end the Israeli  economic blockade, which has been denounced as a crime and an atrocity by President Jimmy Carter ( 17.4.2008 Reuters and Haaretz) , and then facilitate massive reconstruction and economic development.

Any such mission requires careful preparation to avoid misunderstandings and any danger of a clash with Hamas. Many countries and leaders have found that when you get your teeth into the problems of the Middle East, then it has a way of biting back.

Dr Terry Lacey is a development economist who writes from Jakarta, Indonesia, on modernization in the Muslim world, investment and trade relations with the EU and Islamic banking.

Email: terrylacey2003@yahoo.co.uk

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