Issue 370
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By Mohammed Adow in
Mogadishu
Recent developments in Somalia appear to suggest that the country may be
on the verge of reaching an end to two decades of war, displacement and
hunger.
Somalis were first given hope when Ethiopian forces, who invaded Somalia
in late 2006, began withdrawing in 2008.
This was quickly followed by the surprise resignation of Abdillahi Yusuf
Ahmed, the then president, who many had considered an obstacle to peace.
But it is the rise to power of the young Islamic cleric Sharif Ahmed
that has created more jubilation in Somalia than any event in recent
history.
The former leader of the Islamic Courts Union was elected president by
an expanded Somali parliament convened in neighboring Djibouti in early
February.
Thousands of people took to the streets of the capital Mogadishu to
cheer the man they believe is poised to usher in a new era of
reconciliation and peaceful dialogue among Somalis.
Ahmed scored his first political goal when he nominated Omar Abdirashid
Sharmarke, from the semi-autonomous region of Puntland, as his prime
minister.
In doing so, Ahmed is addressing Puntland's grievances and bringing them
back from a secessionist course they had embarked on immediately after
Abdillahi Yusuf resigned.
Known ties
Sharmarke was picked from a long list that included people with known
ties to regional powers.
Sharmarke, who graduated from Carleton University in Canada and worked
for the United Nations, is the son of the last democratically-elected
president of Somalia, whose assassination in 1969 was followed by a
military coup led by Mohammed Siyad Barre, who held power until 1991.
He belongs to the Majeerteen clan of the greater Daarood tribe that
controls much of the politics and economics of the Puntland state.
The leadership of Ahmed and Sharmarke was also welcomed by the Somali
diaspora.
Challenges ahead
On February 23, Ahmed returned to Mogadishu to begin the arduous task of
forming a stable government.
The al-Shabab militia now controls huge parts of southern Somalia
including pockets of Mogadishu. It has vowed to fight the new government
saying it is no different to that of its predecessor.
A few other opposition groups, such as the Alliance for [the]
Re-liberation of Somalia (ARS), and the Muaskar Kiamboni Mujahideen,
have also united under the banner of the Hizb-ul-Islam, or Islamic
Party, to fight Sharif's government.
In an interview with Al Jazeera recently Ahmed committed himself to
dialogue. "It's the only way forward, we must avoid anything that will
trigger further conflict," he said.
Though he is hoping for dialogue with his opponents, sources close to
the president say he is prepared for war.
He has already begun the task of bringing together as many militias as
possible to implement his plan for pacifying the country, particularly
the anarchic capital.
Al-Shabab's waning support
The al-Shabab militia say they will not agree to a ceasefire as long as
foreign forces remain in Somalia.
With their primary target – the Ethiopian military presence – out of the
way and now facing increasing resistance from Somali constituencies, al-Shabab
have resorted to attacking African Union forces (AMISOM).
They have carried out suicide attacks and roadside bombings against the
peacekeepers in recent weeks.
The withdrawal of Ethiopian forces has left al-Shabab with no mandate to
continue fighting and their global jihad platform has alienated many
Somalis who simply want peace and stability.
Other clan-based Islamist groups in Mogadishu have resisted al-Shabab's
attempts to seize control of some key neighbourhoods in the capital.
Islamist groups who have already voiced support for Ahmed could call for
effective disarmament of al-Shabab's fighters as a pre-condition to
joining his government.
Possible scenarios
However, some analysts have cautioned that the country is at a crucial
crossroads.
In the coming weeks and months, Ahmed will use his influence over the
Islamic Courts Union to pacify Mogadishu.
This would allow the government to return to its traditional
administrative capital and offer the city's residents some reprieve as
law and order is restored.
It will likely mean a big boost for clans in the city who will almost
certainly assume the highest positions in government.
However, al-Shabab and other groups might continue their guerrilla
attacks and try to make the country as lawless as possible.
This would then lead to a second, less desirable scenario in which
opposition fighters, including al-Shabab, exert control over the capital
and consequently the rest of the country. An al-Shabab victory could
then lead to disputes over power-sharing with its allies.
Many Somalis, already angry at al-Shabab's ruthless reign, could
mobilize into an uprising against the Islamist fighters.
The Ethiopian factor
If Mogadishu succumbs to civil war, Ethiopian troops may feel they have
no choice but to return to Somalia and prevent a radical Islamist
government gaining influence just across its border.
With numerous dissident groups jostling for power in Ethiopia today,
Addis Ababa fears Somalia could be used as the platform on which Eritrea
– its arch enemy - could unite Ethiopian rebels and arm them to
destabilize the country.
The Ethiopian government also fears that the Islamists will rekindle
age-old Somali territorial claims to liberate Ogaden – the
Somali-inhabited region in Ethiopia. Ogaden is rich in energy resources
such as oil and natural gas.
The US may also feel it necessary to intercede, backed by a UN Security
Council mandate, against what it classifies an extremist faction in
power.
Stalemate
The worst possible outcome would be a prolonged stalemate in which
neither side wins territory or influence.
For Somalis, this would spell a catastrophe as food deliveries would
most likely grind to a halt, forcing millions to become internally
displaced.
With no clear winner in the capital other parts of the country could
soon lose hope and announce their own armed clan fiefdoms.
Puntland would most definitely lead the way while Somaliland will
continue to argue its case for recognition as an independent state given
southern Somalia's protracted conflict.
This is a scenario many Somalis are hoping Ahmed can avoid.
Source: Al Jazeera
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