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Issue 399

Front Page

News Headlines

BBC Correspondent Confirms Somaliland Times Report That Egypt Returned Pirates Because Of Fear Of Retaliation

US Says No Talks With Al-Shabaab, Kenya Signs Agreement With Al-Shabaab And UN Wants To Talk With Al-Shabaab

Loose Talk By Foreign Minister

Somaliland’s Ministry Of Education Announces Results Of The National Exams

Profound Concern At Indefinite Postponement Of Somaliland Presidential Poll, Say Election Observers

Borama’s Al-Aqsa And Buroa’s Ilays Students Commended For Their Accomplishments

Somaliland Electoral Crisis Must Be Resolved Urgently, Leading Authorities Say

Sillanyo Rules Out Meeting Face To Face With President Rayale

Local and Regional Affairs

Somaliland "Official" Says President Sharif Brought Al-Qa'idah To Somalia

U.N. Probes if Somali Contractors Are Diverting Aid, Funding Rebels

Somali Official: 6 More UN Vehicles Missing

African Union Base In Somalia Is Hit

U.S. Kills Top Qaeda Militant In Southern Somalia

Somalia MPs Oppose Djibouti Anti-Piracy Deal

Children In Somalia Face Unprecedented Danger As Food Shortages And Fierce Fighting Deliver Double Blow

AU Vows To Stay Put In Somalia

What Could Suicide Bombings Mean For Somalia?

International Literacy Day: ADRA Emphasizes Role Of Literacy In Poverty Reduction

Egypt Hands Over Suspected Pirates To Puntland

SAC Condemns Rayale For Killing Innocent People & Closing The Parliament

Appeal To The Somaliland President & Vice-President: Resign So The Nation Can Get Back To Its Democratic Journey

Puntland Leader Warns Somalia Govt, Urges Somaliland Peace

Somali Insurgents Vow Revenge For US Killing Of Leader

Dead Al-Qaida Suspect Tied To Somali Youths In U.S.

A Talk With Somalia’s President

Editorial

Somaliland’s Democracy Scores A Victory But Government And Police Must Be Held Accountable

Features & Commentary

Recognizing The Value Of Somaliland

Accepting Somaliland May Help Stabilize Africa's Horn

Who’s Who In Somaliland Politics

Somali 'Travelers': The Baldest, Holiest Gang, Part II

Analysis: Keeping A Lid On Somaliland

Somali Instability Still Poses Threat Even After Successful Strike On Nabhan

In Somalia, A Leader Is Raising Hopes For Stability

A Struggle For Education Amid Anarchy In Somalia

Death And Disappointment From The Sea

The Badlands Of Somalia: The New Front Line

Slippery Slope In U.S. Somali Relations

Arming Somalia

Fighting In Somalia Takes Big Toll On Children
Mothers Of Invention

International News

Obama Unveils New Approach To Missile Defense Program

Freed, Shoe-Hurling Iraqi Alleges Torture In Prison

Amid Large Protests, Iran Leader Calls Holocaust A Lie

Egypt’s Mufti Says Women Can Wear Trousers

Slovenia And Croatia Finally Overcome Border Deadlock

Opinion

The End Of Siyad Barre's Disciples In Somaliland

Loosing The Faith In The System

The Damaging Cost Of The Political Violence In Somaliland

Tragedy And Hope: Somaliland’s Political Crisis

Somaliland: Time To Reconcile The Nation

Military Strikes Won't Help Stabilize Somalia

Can The People Of Somaliland Learn Their Lesson Two?

Recognizing The Value Of Somaliland

This brave and resourceful African nation is in trouble. We must offer it our support, if only to build a bulwark against terrorism

Jeremy Sare

Gordon Brown, in his speech on the war in Afghanistan last week served up that old truism: failed states are a seedbed for terrorism and establishing democratic elections are the long-term solution. Pity then that this principle is not applied more widely.

The violent scenes in Somaliland's parliament on Tuesday, following the third cancellation of the presidential election, showed one country's fragile democracy crumbling before our eyes. One MP even pulled a pistol on his colleagues. Why is no country, such the old colonial power Britain, offering to mediate and prevent an eruption of hostilities?

The electoral dispute is relatively simple; it stems from disagreements about the best system of voter registration. A similar impasse in another African country would have elicited an immediate offer of international arbitration. But so far, nothing. It is because the world cannot find the courage to recognize Somaliland, which forms the northern part of Somalia, as a sovereign state.

The recent elections in Afghanistan attracted more than £100m in funding from western countries, in addition to hosts of observers and support staff. Somaliland, given the chance, could also form a bulwark against regional Muslim extremism and terrorism. Lord Malloch-Brown, on leaving the Foreign Office in July said Somalia was a bigger potential source for terrorism in the UK than Afghanistan.

The threat is not academic. The ultra-extremists of Al-Shabaab effectively control south central Somalia and they have made clear their murderous contempt for the "un-Islamic" democracy of Somaliland. A series of multiple bombs in Somaliland's capital, Hargeysa last year killed more than 20.

Somaliland's democratic institutions were born of one people's determination to find peaceful resolution to a bitter civil war. Although extremely poor, it has emerged as a brave and resourceful country. Yet the United Nations, the EU and Britain seem content to sit idly by, observing this vulnerable country descend into the familiar chaos of its neighbors in Somalia and Eritrea. Ahmed Yusuf of Somaliland Focus (UK) said: "The involvement of the international community is paramount and desperately needed. Let us not abandon Somaliland … as they did to Somalia 19 years ago."

So far the only country to make any kind of intervention has been Ethiopia. Although assistance should be welcomed from any quarter, the long-standing antagonism between Somalis and Ethiopians makes this offer of help more problematic than useful. Imagine India offering to negotiate between political parties in Pakistan.

Britain and the US's decision not to act to preserve this young African democracy is directly attributable to Somaliland's lack of recognition as a sovereign nation, despite nearly 20 years of stability. The UN still clings to an absurd notion Somaliland should rejoin its wayward cousin, Somalia. The union of the two countries (1960-1991) was an undoubted failure by any measure and referendums in Somaliland have shown immovable resistance to its restoration. It would be about as welcome as telling the Scots they should be part of England.

The US maintains a freer role than Britain and pivotal one at that. Hillary Clinton's recent seven country tour of Africa shows the continent has risen much higher on the state department's agenda. But Washington still appears widely divided (between state and defense departments) on the issue of diplomatic recognition.

A Foreign Office spokesperson hinted independence was an achievable goal eventually: "Free and fair elections will be vital to Somaliland's democratic credentials." But a former Foreign Office minister described their case as a "no-brainer". So there looks to be a similar conflict of opinion between British officials. But regarding the current crisis, the Foreign Office could offer nothing more than this lethargic response: "A new election timetable should be decided by independent experts and should be agreed by all the parties of Somaliland."

Professor Ioan Lewis, a leading expert on the region, sees Somaliland president Dahir Riyale Kahin's "sticky" presidential chair as the main problem. "It is down to the reluctance of the current president, like so many leaders elsewhere, to follow the constitution and accept that his term is over … his obduracy and growing charges of corruption have prompted this constitutional crisis," he said.

Somaliland's situation underlines the international community's unerring ability to show a failure of leadership. While leaders dither about the etiquette of which country should be first to agree Somaliland diplomatic relations, the country risks capitulation. Its continued isolation can only harm all of us – even from an entirely selfish point of view, we should help them.

Source: The Guardian, September 12, 2009

Jeremy Sare is a freelance political journalist writing principally for the Guardian and New Statesman. He specialises on drugs policy, East Africa and immigration
 


 


 













 

 


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