Dr. Mohamed-Rashid Sheikh Hassan

“Forty years have passed since the military forces took over power in Somalia in a bloodless coup overthrowing the post-colonial state founded on western democratic model. I would like to assess the history and the legacy of this regime in a series of articles." Dr. Mohamed Rashid writes in a new serious that will review the history of the Somali people and draw lessons for the new state of Somaliland so as to learn from history for the betterment of the nation.

Forty years have passed since the military forces took over power in Somalia in a bloodless coup overthrowing the post-colonial state founded on western democratic model. I would like to assess the history and the legacy of this regime in a series of articles.

The Prime Minster Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal was in the United States for an official visit at the time when the news of the assassination of the President, Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke reached him. The constitution of the country stated the parliament must elect a successor immediately, if such a situation arises. When the lobbying and campaigning that who would succeed the President started, it became clear that personal interests were overriding national ones and the new candidate would not be judged by his national contributions or political skills. Reports of money exchanging hands for buying voters were coming from Parliament.

Several candidates put themselves forward for the post. Some MPs spoke out of the necessities of nominating some one from the clan of the assassinated President, the Majerteen as compensation for the loss. The idea of inheritance dhaxal for presidential post was openly discussed. Haaji Muse Boqor was one of the main traditional and political clan figures of the Majerteen clan, and close family member of the deceased president. The notion of inheritance Dhaxal raised questions because it revived the traditional methodology of succession and in the case of Somalia it contradicted the premises upon which the Modern State was founded and it posed a serious challenge to its existence.

There were not many tears of mourning shed for the dead President, and the most came from then the only African President who came for the funeral, the Zambian President, Kenneth Kuanda. It looked as though the post-colonial state was already run into difficulties.

Politicians ran out of ideas and clan rivalry overshadowed the government’s normal functions. A mixture of primordial sentiments of despair and indifference replaced the collective national feeling that existed during the earlier years of independence.

For example, the Abgal clan, one of the Hawiye sub - clans who largely inhabit the capital and its surroundings, refused the burial of the President in the capital on the pretext that he belonged to Majerteen clan which came from a distant region, arguing that if he was allowed to be buried in Abgal land, eventually the Majerteen might one-day claim this land. The controversy whether the state President could be buried in the capital was significant reminder of the huge difficulties confronted by the nation-state to overcome the prejudices of communalism and to establish its moral and central authority.

In 1991 when the government of the military regime collapsed, the Somali post-colonial state finally arrived into crisis stage and collapse. The idea of “clan land ownership" again came to the surface.

The Abgal unleashed a war of “clan cleansing” against other clans particularly the Darood clans living in the capital saying they must return to their regions. This was obviously one of the main factors that provided ammunition in the continuous cycle of inter-clan wars in the country since the collapse of the military regime in 1991.

The Adventure of the General

In 1965 the head of the army forces General Daùd Abdulle Hersi who was popular among the army forces and the public, died in a Moscow hospital and his body was returned to the country and buried in Mogadishu. The question is who would succeed him raised problems for the government, particularly for Prime Minister Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal. As far as the military line of hierarchy and seniority was concerned, the deputy commander Mohamed Siyad Barre was the man to fill the vacancy. The Prime Minister Mr Egal did not hide his objection to Siyad Barre whom he did not trust. He suggested that Barre should be sent to Russia for training, he favored other officer to take the post. Interior Minister Yassin Nur Hassan insisted that the line of command must be respected and he persuaded the Prime Minister to drop his objections against the general. Eventually Siyad Barre succeeded General Hersi to become the head of the National army.

General Mohamed Siyad Barre took a major gamble in waging the coup in 1969. He was unpopular both among the military and politicians. The politicians underestimated him and did not see him as a threat. Behind the scenes Barre was planning the coup for sometime, and was waiting for the right time. He developed a close relationship with junior officers, particularly Northerners, (Somalilanders). He knew that these officers had some grievance regarding promotion.

The persistent story which the majority of the people believed was that the young junior officers were behind the coup, and eventually the old man or the ”old fox” as Siyad Barre was often referred to only later outmaneuvered the rest.

One reason why people might have believed this version was that the general, a former police officer under the Italian colonial rule, was not seen to have had the necessary credentials and qualifications to come up with any national agenda. This was far from the truth, according to General Ismail Ali Abokar, General Aidid and other military officers; Siyad Barre was the main player of the coup.

Mr Aboker was one of the key planners of the coup, and according to him the preparations of the coup were in existence since 1967 but knowledge of it was limited to only a few officers, and Siyad Barre was the head.

21st October 1969 at 3 AM in the morning Radio Mogadishu announced that the military seized the power and overthrew the civilian government. It was also announced the Prime Minister and members of his government as well as the former President Aden Abdulle Osman and other politicians were arrested. The parliament was abolished, the constitution suspended and all political and social organizations banned. General Aidid narrated how the events unfolded:

“In the middle of the night I was awakened by the military movements in the military camps and I realized that something might have happened. Then I contacted other senior officials such as Abdalla Mohamed Fadil and Mohamed Ali Samatar; and asked if they were aware what had happened and I realized neither of them was informed about the situation. We agreed at this point to contact other ranking officials such as Mohamed Nur and Elmi Nur whom we thought that they might knew something about the matter. Together we all came to our commander in chief General Mohamed Siyad Barre and asked him what had happened. He replied “don't you know we staged a coup “Inqilaab ayaan samaynay”. He did not say revolution. Aidid said I asked the next question. ”How could this happen without consulting us”. Siyad Barre replied, “I would have liked to consult with you, but I was afraid of you”.

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