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Eisenhower Hall Theatre, United States Military
Academy at West Point, West Point, New York
For Immediate Release
December 01, 2009
8:01 P.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: Good evening. To the United States Corps of Cadets, to
the men and women of our Armed Services, and to my fellow Americans: I
want to speak to you tonight about our effort in Afghanistan -- the
nature of our commitment there, the scope of our interests, and the
strategy that my administration will pursue to bring this war to a
successful conclusion. It's an extraordinary honor for me to do so here
at West Point -- where so many men and women have prepared to stand up
for our security, and to represent what is finest about our country.
To address these important issues, it's important to recall why America
and our allies were compelled to fight a war in Afghanistan in the first
place. We did not ask for this fight. On September 11, 2001, 19 men
hijacked four airplanes and used them to murder nearly 3,000 people.
They struck at our military and economic nerve centers. They took the
lives of innocent men, women, and children without regard to their faith
or race or station. Were it not for the heroic actions of passengers
onboard one of those flights, they could have also struck at one of the
great symbols of our democracy in Washington, and killed many more.
As we know, these men belonged to al Qaeda -- a group of extremists who
have distorted and defiled Islam, one of the world’s great religions, to
justify the slaughter of innocents. Al Qaeda’s base of operations was in
Afghanistan, where they were harbored by the Taliban -- a ruthless,
repressive and radical movement that seized control of that country
after it was ravaged by years of Soviet occupation and civil war, and
after the attention of America and our friends had turned elsewhere.
Just days after 9/11, Congress authorized the use of force against al
Qaeda and those who harbored them -- an authorization that continues to
this day. The vote in the Senate was 98 to nothing. The vote in the
House was 420 to 1. For the first time in its history, the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization invoked Article 5 -- the commitment that
says an attack on one member nation is an attack on all. And the United
Nations Security Council endorsed the use of all necessary steps to
respond to the 9/11 attacks. America, our allies and the world were
acting as one to destroy al Qaeda’s terrorist network and to protect our
common security.
Under the banner of this domestic unity and international legitimacy --
and only after the Taliban refused to turn over Osama bin Laden -- we
sent our troops into Afghanistan. Within a matter of months, al Qaeda
was scattered and many of its operatives were killed. The Taliban was
driven from power and pushed back on its heels. A place that had known
decades of fear now had reason to hope. At a conference convened by the
U.N., a provisional government was established under President Hamid
Karzai. And an International Security Assistance Force was established
to help bring a lasting peace to a war-torn country.
Then, in early 2003, the decision was made to wage a second war, in
Iraq. The wrenching debate over the Iraq war is well-known and need not
be repeated here. It's enough to say that for the next six years, the
Iraq war drew the dominant share of our troops, our resources, our
diplomacy, and our national attention -- and that the decision to go
into Iraq caused substantial rifts between America and much of the
world.
Today, after extraordinary costs, we are bringing the Iraq war to a
responsible end. We will remove our combat brigades from Iraq by the end
of next summer, and all of our troops by the end of 2011. That we are
doing so is a testament to the character of the men and women in
uniform. (Applause.) Thanks to their courage, grit and perseverance, we
have given Iraqis a chance to shape their future, and we are
successfully leaving Iraq to its people.
But while we've achieved hard-earned milestones in Iraq, the situation
in Afghanistan has deteriorated. After escaping across the border into
Pakistan in 2001 and 2002, al Qaeda’s leadership established a safe
haven there. Although a legitimate government was elected by the Afghan
people, it's been hampered by corruption, the drug trade, an
under-developed economy, and insufficient security forces.
Over the last several years, the Taliban has maintained common cause
with al Qaeda, as they both seek an overthrow of the Afghan government.
Gradually, the Taliban has begun to control additional swaths of
territory in Afghanistan, while engaging in increasingly brazen and
devastating attacks of terrorism against the Pakistani people.
Now, throughout this period, our troop levels in Afghanistan remained a
fraction of what they were in Iraq. When I took office, we had just over
32,000 Americans serving in Afghanistan, compared to 160,000 in Iraq at
the peak of the war. Commanders in Afghanistan repeatedly asked for
support to deal with the reemergence of the Taliban, but these
reinforcements did not arrive. And that's why, shortly after taking
office, I approved a longstanding request for more troops. After
consultations with our allies, I then announced a strategy recognizing
the fundamental connection between our war effort in Afghanistan and the
extremist safe havens in Pakistan. I set a goal that was narrowly
defined as disrupting, dismantling, and defeating al Qaeda and its
extremist allies, and pledged to better coordinate our military and
civilian efforts.
Since then, we've made progress on some important objectives.
High-ranking al Qaeda and Taliban leaders have been killed, and we've
stepped up the pressure on al Qaeda worldwide. In Pakistan, that
nation's army has gone on its largest offensive in years. In
Afghanistan, we and our allies prevented the Taliban from stopping a
presidential election, and -- although it was marred by fraud -- that
election produced a government that is consistent with Afghanistan's
laws and constitution.
Yet huge challenges remain. Afghanistan is not lost, but for several
years it has moved backwards. There's no imminent threat of the
government being overthrown, but the Taliban has gained momentum. Al
Qaeda has not reemerged in Afghanistan in the same numbers as before
9/11, but they retain their safe havens along the border. And our forces
lack the full support they need to effectively train and partner with
Afghan security forces and better secure the population. Our new
commander in Afghanistan -- General McChrystal -- has reported that the
security situation is more serious than he anticipated. In short: The
status quo is not sustainable.
As cadets, you volunteered for service during this time of danger. Some
of you fought in Afghanistan. Some of you will deploy there. As your
Commander-in-Chief, I owe you a mission that is clearly defined, and
worthy of your service. And that's why, after the Afghan voting was
completed, I insisted on a thorough review of our strategy. Now, let me
be clear: There has never been an option before me that called for troop
deployments before 2010, so there has been no delay or denial of
resources necessary for the conduct of the war during this review
period. Instead, the review has allowed me to ask the hard questions,
and to explore all the different options, along with my national
security team, our military and civilian leadership in Afghanistan, and
our key partners. And given the stakes involved, I owed the American
people -- and our troops -- no less.
This review is now complete. And as Commander-in-Chief, I have
determined that it is in our vital national interest to send an
additional 30,000 U.S. troops to Afghanistan. After 18 months, our
troops will begin to come home. These are the resources that we need to
seize the initiative, while building the Afghan capacity that can allow
for a responsible transition of our forces out of Afghanistan.
I do not make this decision lightly. I opposed the war in Iraq precisely
because I believe that we must exercise restraint in the use of military
force, and always consider the long-term consequences of our actions. We
have been at war now for eight years, at enormous cost in lives and
resources. Years of debate over Iraq and terrorism have left our unity
on national security issues in tatters, and created a highly polarized
and partisan backdrop for this effort. And having just experienced the
worst economic crisis since the Great Depression, the American people
are understandably focused on rebuilding our economy and putting people
to work here at home.
Most of all, I know that this decision asks even more of you -- a
military that, along with your families, has already borne the heaviest
of all burdens. As President, I have signed a letter of condolence to
the family of each American who gives their life in these wars. I have
read the letters from the parents and spouses of those who deployed. I
visited our courageous wounded warriors at Walter Reed. I've traveled to
Dover to meet the flag-draped caskets of 18 Americans returning home to
their final resting place. I see firsthand the terrible wages of war. If
I did not think that the security of the United States and the safety of
the American people were at stake in Afghanistan, I would gladly order
every single one of our troops home tomorrow.
So, no, I do not make this decision lightly. I make this decision
because I am convinced that our security is at stake in Afghanistan and
Pakistan. This is the epicenter of violent extremism practiced by al
Qaeda. It is from here that we were attacked on 9/11, and it is from
here that new attacks are being plotted as I speak. This is no idle
danger; no hypothetical threat. In the last few months alone, we have
apprehended extremists within our borders who were sent here from the
border region of Afghanistan and Pakistan to commit new acts of terror.
And this danger will only grow if the region slides backwards, and al
Qaeda can operate with impunity. We must keep the pressure on al Qaeda,
and to do that, we must increase the stability and capacity of our
partners in the region.
Of course, this burden is not ours alone to bear. This is not just
America's war. Since 9/11, al Qaeda’s safe havens have been the source
of attacks against London and Amman and Bali. The people and governments
of both Afghanistan and Pakistan are endangered. And the stakes are even
higher within a nuclear-armed Pakistan, because we know that al Qaeda
and other extremists seek nuclear weapons, and we have every reason to
believe that they would use them.
These facts compel us to act along with our friends and allies. Our
overarching goal remains the same: to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat al
Qaeda in Afghanistan and Pakistan, and to prevent its capacity to
threaten America and our allies in the future.
To meet that goal, we will pursue the following objectives within
Afghanistan. We must deny al Qaeda a safe haven. We must reverse the
Taliban's momentum and deny it the ability to overthrow the government.
And we must strengthen the capacity of Afghanistan's security forces and
government so that they can take lead responsibility for Afghanistan's
future.
We will meet these objectives in three ways. First, we will pursue a
military strategy that will break the Taliban's momentum and increase
Afghanistan's capacity over the next 18 months.
The 30,000 additional troops that I'm announcing tonight will deploy in
the first part of 2010 -- the fastest possible pace -- so that they can
target the insurgency and secure key population centers. They'll
increase our ability to train competent Afghan security forces, and to
partner with them so that more Afghans can get into the fight. And they
will help create the conditions for the United States to transfer
responsibility to the Afghans.
Because this is an international effort, I've asked that our commitment
be joined by contributions from our allies. Some have already provided
additional troops, and we're confident that there will be further
contributions in the days and weeks ahead. Our friends have fought and
bled and died alongside us in Afghanistan. And now, we must come
together to end this war successfully. For what's at stake is not simply
a test of NATO's credibility -- what's at stake is the security of our
allies, and the common security of the world.
But taken together, these additional American and international troops
will allow us to accelerate handing over responsibility to Afghan
forces, and allow us to begin the transfer of our forces out of
Afghanistan in July of 2011. Just as we have done in Iraq, we will
execute this transition responsibly, taking into account conditions on
the ground. We'll continue to advise and assist Afghanistan's security
forces to ensure that they can succeed over the long haul. But it will
be clear to the Afghan government -- and, more importantly, to the
Afghan people -- that they will ultimately be responsible for their own
country.
Second, we will work with our partners, the United Nations, and the
Afghan people to pursue a more effective civilian strategy, so that the
government can take advantage of improved security.
This effort must be based on performance. The days of providing a blank
check are over. President Karzai's inauguration speech sent the right
message about moving in a new direction. And going forward, we will be
clear about what we expect from those who receive our assistance. We'll
support Afghan ministries, governors, and local leaders that combat
corruption and deliver for the people. We expect those who are
ineffective or corrupt to be held accountable. And we will also focus
our assistance in areas -- such as agriculture -- that can make an
immediate impact in the lives of the Afghan people.
The people of Afghanistan have endured violence for decades. They've
been confronted with occupation -- by the Soviet Union, and then by
foreign al Qaeda fighters who used Afghan land for their own purposes.
So tonight, I want the Afghan people to understand -- America seeks an
end to this era of war and suffering. We have no interest in occupying
your country. We will support efforts by the Afghan government to open
the door to those Taliban who abandon violence and respect the human
rights of their fellow citizens. And we will seek a partnership with
Afghanistan grounded in mutual respect -- to isolate those who destroy;
to strengthen those who build; to hasten the day when our troops will
leave; and to forge a lasting friendship in which America is your
partner, and never your patron.
Third, we will act with the full recognition that our success in
Afghanistan is inextricably linked to our partnership with Pakistan.
We're in Afghanistan to prevent a cancer from once again spreading
through that country. But this same cancer has also taken root in the
border region of Pakistan. That's why we need a strategy that works on
both sides of the border.
In the past, there have been those in Pakistan who've argued that the
struggle against extremism is not their fight, and that Pakistan is
better off doing little or seeking accommodation with those who use
violence. But in recent years, as innocents have been killed from
Karachi to Islamabad, it has become clear that it is the Pakistani
people who are the most endangered by extremism. Public opinion has
turned. The Pakistani army has waged an offensive in Swat and South
Waziristan. And there is no doubt that the United States and Pakistan
share a common enemy.
In the past, we too often defined our relationship with Pakistan
narrowly. Those days are over. Moving forward, we are committed to a
partnership with Pakistan that is built on a foundation of mutual
interest, mutual respect, and mutual trust. We will strengthen
Pakistan’s capacity to target those groups that threaten our countries,
and have made it clear that we cannot tolerate a safe haven for
terrorists whose location is known and whose intentions are clear.
America is also providing substantial resources to support Pakistan’s
democracy and development. We are the largest international supporter
for those Pakistanis displaced by the fighting. And going forward, the
Pakistan people must know America will remain a strong supporter of
Pakistan’s security and prosperity long after the guns have fallen
silent, so that the great potential of its people can be unleashed.
These are the three core elements of our strategy: a military effort to
create the conditions for a transition; a civilian surge that reinforces
positive action; and an effective partnership with Pakistan.
I recognize there are a range of concerns about our approach. So let me
briefly address a few of the more prominent arguments that I've heard,
and which I take very seriously.
First, there are those who suggest that Afghanistan is another Vietnam.
They argue that it cannot be stabilized, and we're better off cutting
our losses and rapidly withdrawing. I believe this argument depends on a
false reading of history. Unlike Vietnam, we are joined by a broad
coalition of 43 nations that recognizes the legitimacy of our action.
Unlike Vietnam, we are not facing a broad-based popular insurgency. And
most importantly, unlike Vietnam, the American people were viciously
attacked from Afghanistan, and remain a target for those same extremists
who are plotting along its border. To abandon this area now -- and to
rely only on efforts against al Qaeda from a distance -- would
significantly hamper our ability to keep the pressure on al Qaeda, and
create an unacceptable risk of additional attacks on our homeland and
our allies.
Second, there are those who acknowledge that we can't leave Afghanistan
in its current state, but suggest that we go forward with the troops
that we already have. But this would simply maintain a status quo in
which we muddle through, and permit a slow deterioration of conditions
there. It would ultimately prove more costly and prolong our stay in
Afghanistan, because we would never be able to generate the conditions
needed to train Afghan security forces and give them the space to take
over.
Finally, there are those who oppose identifying a time frame for our
transition to Afghan responsibility. Indeed, some call for a more
dramatic and open-ended escalation of our war effort -- one that would
commit us to a nation-building project of up to a decade. I reject this
course because it sets goals that are beyond what can be achieved at a
reasonable cost, and what we need to achieve to secure our interests.
Furthermore, the absence of a time frame for transition would deny us
any sense of urgency in working with the Afghan government. It must be
clear that Afghans will have to take responsibility for their security,
and that America has no interest in fighting an endless war in
Afghanistan.
As President, I refuse to set goals that go beyond our responsibility,
our means, or our interests. And I must weigh all of the challenges that
our nation faces. I don't have the luxury of committing to just one.
Indeed, I'm mindful of the words of President Eisenhower, who -- in
discussing our national security -- said, "Each proposal must be weighed
in the light of a broader consideration: the need to maintain balance in
and among national programs."
Over the past several years, we have lost that balance. We've failed to
appreciate the connection between our national security and our economy.
In the wake of an economic crisis, too many of our neighbors and friends
are out of work and struggle to pay the bills. Too many Americans are
worried about the future facing our children. Meanwhile, competition
within the global economy has grown more fierce. So we can't simply
afford to ignore the price of these wars.
All told, by the time I took office the cost of the wars in Iraq and
Afghanistan approached a trillion dollars. Going forward, I am committed
to addressing these costs openly and honestly. Our new approach in
Afghanistan is likely to cost us roughly $30 billion for the military
this year, and I'll work closely with Congress to address these costs as
we work to bring down our deficit.
But as we end the war in Iraq and transition to Afghan responsibility,
we must rebuild our strength here at home. Our prosperity provides a
foundation for our power. It pays for our military. It underwrites our
diplomacy. It taps the potential of our people, and allows investment in
new industry. And it will allow us to compete in this century as
successfully as we did in the last. That's why our troop commitment in
Afghanistan cannot be open-ended -- because the nation that I'm most
interested in building is our own.
Now, let me be clear: None of this will be easy. The struggle against
violent extremism will not be finished quickly, and it extends well
beyond Afghanistan and Pakistan. It will be an enduring test of our free
society, and our leadership in the world. And unlike the great power
conflicts and clear lines of division that defined the 20th century, our
effort will involve disorderly regions, failed states, diffuse enemies.
So as a result, America will have to show our strength in the way that
we end wars and prevent conflict -- not just how we wage wars. We'll
have to be nimble and precise in our use of military power. Where al
Qaeda and its allies attempt to establish a foothold -- whether in
Somalia or Yemen or elsewhere -- they must be confronted by growing
pressure and strong partnerships.
And we can't count on military might alone. We have to invest in our
homeland security, because we can't capture or kill every violent
extremist abroad. We have to improve and better coordinate our
intelligence, so that we stay one step ahead of shadowy networks.
We will have to take away the tools of mass destruction. And that's why
I've made it a central pillar of my foreign policy to secure loose
nuclear materials from terrorists, to stop the spread of nuclear
weapons, and to pursue the goal of a world without them -- because every
nation must understand that true security will never come from an
endless race for ever more destructive weapons; true security will come
for those who reject them.
We'll have to use diplomacy, because no one nation can meet the
challenges of an interconnected world acting alone. I've spent this year
renewing our alliances and forging new partnerships. And we have forged
a new beginning between America and the Muslim world -- one that
recognizes our mutual interest in breaking a cycle of conflict, and that
promises a future in which those who kill innocents are isolated by
those who stand up for peace and prosperity and human dignity.
And finally, we must draw on the strength of our values -- for the
challenges that we face may have changed, but the things that we believe
in must not. That's why we must promote our values by living them at
home -- which is why I have prohibited torture and will close the prison
at Guantanamo Bay. And we must make it clear to every man, woman and
child around the world who lives under the dark cloud of tyranny that
America will speak out on behalf of their human rights, and tend to the
light of freedom and justice and opportunity and respect for the dignity
of all peoples. That is who we are. That is the source, the moral
source, of America’s authority.
Since the days of Franklin Roosevelt, and the service and sacrifice of
our grandparents and great-grandparents, our country has borne a special
burden in global affairs. We have spilled American blood in many
countries on multiple continents. We have spent our revenue to help
others rebuild from rubble and develop their own economies. We have
joined with others to develop an architecture of institutions -- from
the United Nations to NATO to the World Bank -- that provide for the
common security and prosperity of human beings.
We have not always been thanked for these efforts, and we have at times
made mistakes. But more than any other nation, the United States of
America has underwritten global security for over six decades -- a time
that, for all its problems, has seen walls come down, and markets open,
and billions lifted from poverty, unparalleled scientific progress and
advancing frontiers of human liberty.
For unlike the great powers of old, we have not sought world domination.
Our union was founded in resistance to oppression. We do not seek to
occupy other nations. We will not claim another nation’s resources or
target other peoples because their faith or ethnicity is different from
ours. What we have fought for -- what we continue to fight for -- is a
better future for our children and grandchildren. And we believe that
their lives will be better if other peoples’ children and grandchildren
can live in freedom and access opportunity. (Applause.)
As a country, we're not as young -- and perhaps not as innocent -- as we
were when Roosevelt was President. Yet we are still heirs to a noble
struggle for freedom. And now we must summon all of our might and moral
suasion to meet the challenges of a new age.
In the end, our security and leadership does not come solely from the
strength of our arms. It derives from our people -- from the workers and
businesses who will rebuild our economy; from the entrepreneurs and
researchers who will pioneer new industries; from the teachers that will
educate our children, and the service of those who work in our
communities at home; from the diplomats and Peace Corps volunteers who
spread hope abroad; and from the men and women in uniform who are part
of an unbroken line of sacrifice that has made government of the people,
by the people, and for the people a reality on this Earth. (Applause.)
This vast and diverse citizenry will not always agree on every issue --
nor should we. But I also know that we, as a country, cannot sustain our
leadership, nor navigate the momentous challenges of our time, if we
allow ourselves to be split asunder by the same rancor and cynicism and
partisanship that has in recent times poisoned our national discourse.
It's easy to forget that when this war began, we were united -- bound
together by the fresh memory of a horrific attack, and by the
determination to defend our homeland and the values we hold dear. I
refuse to accept the notion that we cannot summon that unity again.
(Applause.) I believe with every fiber of my being that we -- as
Americans -- can still come together behind a common purpose. For our
values are not simply words written into parchment -- they are a creed
that calls us together, and that has carried us through the darkest of
storms as one nation, as one people.
America -- we are passing through a time of great trial. And the message
that we send in the midst of these storms must be clear: that our cause
is just, our resolve unwavering. We will go forward with the confidence
that right makes might, and with the commitment to forge an America that
is safer, a world that is more secure, and a future that represents not
the deepest of fears but the highest of hopes. (Applause.)
Thank you. God bless you. May God bless the United States of America.
(Applause.) Thank you very much. Thank you. (Applause.)
END 8:35 P.M. EST
Source:
The White House
Office of the Press Secretary
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