By Mohamed Khawi

The cheering crowds were non-violent. The euphoric bump and ceremony is silent. Kulmiye emerged prevalent, and mujahid Axmad Maxamad Sillanyo is crowned triumphant upon defeating his competing Udub tyrant.

Where do we go from here?

Roadmap predictions:

1. As promised in his bottomless agenda of priorities, it would be a government for the people, and most certainly not, repeat not, by the people; as certain segments of the community were constitutionally excluded.

2. Sillanyo administration would revise and reform the constitution. It would come up with amended version of inclusion, and equal rights for all where the rule of law is paramount.

3. Sillanyo administration would recognize that Somaliland is a tribe-oriented society where its allegiance remains an unsurpassable factor. Tribal balance would therefore become the core philosophy of the administration. The wanton dream of statehood, and the misadventure of making scores without, would seriously compromise from within. This would trickle down to divisive polarization and instability.

4. The tradition of symbiotic living between the inhabitants, and the interwoven culture of Huwan-Kinship would a warrant our survival and pursuit of happiness, if superimposed on a system of good governance, and fair-play arbitration. Somaliland has been through that mill for the past two decades under Udub administration, in peace and prosperity. Even the rebel-harti tribes of Dhulbahante and Warsangali were tolerably onboard. It was fashion fatigue of Egal's legacy that opted for change and voted for uncertain lifestyle with Kulmiye.

5. The myopic tribal tilt to hijack Somaliland in quest of exclusive statehood is tantamount to the apartheid Cantonment of South Africa.

6. Neither the scheming odium of ethnic phobia, nor the vanity of the multi-facet intrigue of tribal psychophants can outwit the highly enlightened elite of Somaliland. On the contrary, they will isolate the administration and railroad it to a dead-end of self destruction.

7. The monopolistic pattern of a lone tribe eligibility for government job-market is calculated alienation of others, and gross denial of equal opportunity and social justice. Apologetically, a Somaliland version of affirmative action might be too little too late a consideration.

8. The success and/or failure of the administration would depend on clan solidarity. This would not be forthcoming if the question of “what is in it for me?” is not answered. In this respect, the administration should seek national consensus after the fact. Admittedly, Kulmiye, Ucid and Udub exclusivity were not a fair play. Boorama II version of all Huwan Convention, attended by who is who in Somaliland is an imperative option. Such inclusive convention would be for meaningful dialog and healing understanding.

9. It should be noted that the term limit extension of the two houses is the prerogative of the respective clans they represent. The option of term-limit extension, proposed by the Mujahid president, conflicts with his historic opposition to his predecessor, Dahir Riyale, and the Udub administration he represented. On the other hand, it's illegal and would constitute a bad precedent for the administration. It would mean a monopoly of state power by the few. The unholy alliance between the executive and the legislature, propped up by Ucid and Kulmiye would mean keeping an infrastructure of dead-wood leadership alive. In the process, they would inflame the passion of the common man, and take time by its tail upsetting the balance.

Mohamed Khawi

President

Somaliland Natives Associations

Sunday, September 12, 2010

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