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Issue 489 -- 11th - 17th June 2011

Front Page

Somaliland News

News Headlines

Committee Advises Government To Allow More Parties

Netherlands: Stability And Good Governance In Somaliland Vital In Combating Piracy

Local and Regional Affairs

Somalia Extends Government; Premier Fired

Dutch Minister Sees Ethiopia's Potential

Somalia: A Refugee Crisis Without End

Ophir Energy Looks To Raise $400 Mln In London IPO

Could A 36-Year Drought Push Somalia Over The Edge?

Maritime Piracy And Somalia's Global Canker

Report Warns Of Torture By Somali Pirates

Editorial

Yemen And The Paradox Of Power In Divided Societies

Features & Commentary

Somaliland: Postelection Report

Somaliland Representative For US Mr. Rashid Nur’s Speech In Columbus

Terror On The Seas: Somalia’s Piracy Plague

How Al Shabaab Recruitment Agents Lure Kenyans To Somalia

Eyes In The Sky: Up Close As The German Navy Tracks Down Somali Pirates

International News

Opinion

Pakistan: A Hireling Government In The Dark

Pandering To Stereotypes: iLive

18 May, The Good Decision Day

EDITORIAL: Yemen And The Paradox Of Power In Divided Societies

One of the paradoxes of deeply divided societies is that the same divisions that encourage the takeover of these societies by autocrats end up undermining autocratic rule. The autocrat rises to power because of the divisions in society but he is also brought down because of those same divisions. It is a deadly cycle, and Yemen since it was declared a republic in 1962 has suffered from this problem (the problem existed during the Imamate but it was restricted within a smaller circle because Zaydi doctrine specified that only the descendants of Prophet Muhammad could rule, which meant that the overwhelming majority of Yemenis, including President Ali Abdalla Saleh and al-Ahmar family, were ineligible for ruling the country).
Having risen to power precisely because of those deep divisions in Yemeni society, Ali Abdalla Saleh is now on the receiving end of the damage those divisions can inflict. Even the denouement of his rule is proceeding in a manner consistent with the paradox of power in deeply divided societies. Because both the forces arrayed against him and those supporting him are rife with divisions, it is unlikely that a unified center will emerge that will quickly replace him. The current opposition composed of demonstrating youth, al-Ahmar family (Hamid al-Ahmar is the strong man of al-Islah party), tribal elements, the south, Houthis and al-Qaeda have little in common other than opposing Ali Abdalla Saleh. What is more likely to happen is that each of the various political players with very little trust or coordination among them, will try to strengthen its position., and whoever initially gains control of the state will eventually have to contend with the divisive forces in Yemeni society as they start working against him.
Ali Abdalla Saleh thought he would avoid falling victim to this cycle (and at the same time escape the fate of his two predecessors, al-Hamdi and al-Ghashmi, both of whom were murdered) by ensconcing his family members in the security and military nodes of the regime. Little did he know that he was actually fulfilling the conditions that would lead to the unraveling of his regime. Or, may be he knew, but felt he had no other choice. Perhaps that is what he meant when he likened ruling Yemen to "dancing on the heads of snakes".


 









 


 



 



 

 


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